diff --git a/.github/workflows/main.yml b/.github/workflows/main.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5c59fdd6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.github/workflows/main.yml
@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+name: Build Book
+
+on:
+ push:
+ branches:
+ - main
+
+jobs:
+ build:
+ runs-on: ubuntu-latest
+ permissions:
+ contents: write
+ steps:
+ - uses: actions/checkout@v2
+ - name: Generate book files
+ run: |
+ # Install necessary dependencies (e.g., Perl, Docker)
+ perl scripts/make-book.pl
+ - name: Generate book files (zh-tw)
+ run: |
+ perl scripts/make-book-zh-tw.pl
+ - name: Upload artifacts
+ uses: actions/upload-artifact@v2
+ with:
+ name: book-files
+ path: |
+ Plurality-english.pdf
+ Plurality-english.epub
+ Plurality-traditional-mandarin.pdf
+ Plurality-traditional-mandarin.epub
+ - uses: ncipollo/release-action@v1
+ with:
+ artifacts: "*.pdf,*.epub"
+ token: ${{ secrets.RELEASE_TOKEN }}
+ tag: latest
+ allowUpdates: true
diff --git a/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md b/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md
index a0ab0630..9dc818cd 100644
--- a/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md
+++ b/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md
@@ -1,19 +1,19 @@
-\textbf{Finding Your Dao}
+**Finding Your Dao**
As we discuss in the book, linear book narratives have a significant disadvantage of forcing every reader down a single learning path. While the online version avoids this through the extensive use of hyperlinks, those who hold a physical copy will find this more challenging to navigate. To partially alleviate this problem, we have structured the text in a "circular" manner, where readers can start at a variety of points, read from there and circle back to the "earlier" material at the end.
We recommend in particular that:
-- Those with a primarily topical, political or \textbf{current affairs} interest begin at the beginning of the book, with the preface and read straight through.
+- Those with a primarily topical, political or **current affairs** interest begin at the beginning of the book, with the preface and read straight through.
-- Those with a more conceptual, theoretical or broadly \textbf{intellectual} interest consider skipping Parts 1 and 2 and beginning in Part 3
+- Those with a more conceptual, theoretical or broadly **intellectual** interest consider skipping Parts 1 and 2 and beginning in Part 3.
-- Those with a more \textbf{technical}, technological or engineering focus consider beginning with Part 4
+- Those with a more **technical**, technological or engineering focus consider beginning with Part 4.
-- Those with an interest in concrete technologies and their \textbf{applications} consider beginning with Part 5
+- Those with an interest in concrete technologies and their **applications** consider beginning with Part 5.
-- Those with an interest in real-world \textbf{impact} in specific social sectors consider beginning with Part 6
+- Those with an interest in real-world **impact** in specific social sectors consider beginning with Part 6.
-- Those with a focus on public \textbf{policy}, government and social mobilization consider beginning with Part 7
+- Those with a focus on public **policy**, government and social mobilization consider beginning with Part 7.
Regardless of stating point, we expect most readers who find value wherever they begin will find it worthwhile to continue reading, looping back and filling in the theoretical frameworks of "later" parts of the book with the the material that comes earlier.
diff --git a/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md b/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md
index 872c219b..b8b99402 100644
--- a/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md
+++ b/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md
@@ -131,7 +131,7 @@ Already among the most technology-intensive export economies in the world, this
Yet despite this deep and persistent division that fueled the Sunflower movement, the overlapping consensus between these perspectives is striking:
-1. Pluralism: Both the Blue and Green stories share a strong emphasis on pluralism. For Blue, it includes the multiethnic nature of the ROC, while Greens focus on the diverse influences on Taiwan, including indigenous, Japanese, Taigi, Hakka, Western and new immigrants.
+1. Pluralism: Both the Blue and Green stories share a strong emphasis on pluralism. For Blue, it's about fusing both contemporary and traditional culture (exemplified by the National Palace Museum), while highlighting ROC's role as a cultural inheritor and leader; while the Greens focus on the diversity of those who have settled in Taiwan, including the indigenous peoples, Japanese, Hokkien, Hakka, Westerners, and new immigrants.
2. Diplomatic nuance: To navigate the challenging relationship with the PRC, both have had to embrace range of complex and nuanced public positions around the security posture of the US and other allies, the meaning of ROC and Taiwan, as well as the concept of "independence".
3. Democratic freedom: The ideas of "democracy" and "freedom" are core to both ideologies. For Greens, these ideas are the core of Taiwan's rallying cries overcoming both the White Terror and PRC authoritarianism. To Blues, these ideas are core to Tridemism and thus, in their eyes, qualities that a ROC leadership must focus on.
4. Anti-authoritarianism: Both are deeply concerned about growing authoritarianism in the PRC, especially in the last decade with the failure of the "One Country, Two Systems" formula in Hong Kong.
diff --git a/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md b/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md
index 133f9ac8..c7567340 100644
--- a/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md
+++ b/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md
@@ -10,38 +10,41 @@
> When we hear “the singularity is near” — let us remember: The **Plurality** is here.
-Without living in Taiwan and experiencing it regularly, it is hard to grasp what such an achievement means, and for those living their continuously many of these features are taken for granted. Thus we aim here to provide concrete illustrations and quantitative analyses of what distinguishes Taiwan's digital civic infrastructure from those of most of the rest of the world. Because there are far too many examples to discuss in detail, we have selected six diverse illustrations that roughly cover a primary focal project for each two year period from 2012-2024; after we briefly list a wide range of other programs.
+Without living in Taiwan and experiencing it regularly, it is hard to grasp what such an achievement means, and for those living their continuously many of these features are taken for granted. Thus we aim here to provide concrete illustrations and quantitative analyses of what distinguishes Taiwan's digital civic infrastructure from those of most of the rest of the world. Because there are far too many examples to discuss in detail, we have selected six diverse illustrations that roughly cover a primary focal project for each two year period since 2012; after we briefly list a wide range of other programs.
### g0v
-More than any other institution, the g0v (pronounced gov-zero) movement symbolizes the civil-society foundation of digital democracy in Taiwan. Founded in 2012 by civic hackers including Kao Chia-liang, g0v arose from disconent with the quality of government digital services and data transparency. The hackers began to scrape government websites (usually with the suffix .gov.tw) and build alternative formats for data display and interaction for the same website, posting them at .g0v.tw. These "forked" versions of government websites often ended up being more popular, leading some government ministers, like Simon Chang to begin "merging" these designs back into government services.
+More than any other institution, g0v (pronounced gov-zero) symbolizes the civil-society foundation of digital democracy in Taiwan. Founded in 2012 by civic hackers including Kao Chia-liang, g0v arose from discontent with the quality of government digital services and data transparency[^g0vManifesto]. Civic hackers began to scrape government websites (usually with the suffix gov.tw) and build alternative formats for data display and interaction for the same website, hosting them at g0v.tw. These "forked" versions of government websites often ended up being more popular, leading some government ministers, like Simon Chang to begin "merging" these designs back into government services.
-
+[^g0vManifesto]: [g0v Manifesto](https://g0v.tw/intl/en/manifesto/en/) defines it as "a non-partisan, not-for-profit, grassroots movement". [MoeDict](https://moedict.tw/), an early g0v project, was led by one of the authors of this book.
+
+
g0v built on this success to establish a vibrant community of civic hackers interacting with a range of non-technical civil society groups at regular hackathon, called "jothons" (based on a Mandarin play on words, meaning roughly "join-athon"). While hackathons are common in many parts of the world, some of the unique features of g0v practices include the diversity of participant (usually a majority non-technical and with nearly full gender parity), the orientation towards civic problems rather than commercial outcomes and the close collaboration with a range of civic organizations. These features are perhaps best summarized by the slogan "Ask not why nobody is doing this. You are the 'nobody'!", which has led the group to be labeled the "nobody movement". They are also reflected in a venn diagram commonly used to explain the movement's intentions shown above. As we will note below, a majority of the initiatives we highlight grew out of g0v and closely aligned projects.
### Sunflower
-While g0v gained significant public attention and support even in its earliest years, it burst most prominently onto the public scene during the Sunflower Movement we described above. Several leaders in the g0v community, including one of the authors of this book, were present at protests on a variety of topics in the days leading up to the occupation of the Legislative Yuan (LY), aiding in broadcasting, documenting and communicating these civic actions. As such, when the Sunflower occupation began, they were prepared to use their devices to help broadcast the events and allow communication both among participants and between them and the outside world. While many of the details of what happened within the LY remain confidential to this day to protect the participants, perhaps more revealing is what happened outside and how it shaped events within.
+While g0v gained significant public attention and support even in its earliest years, it burst most prominently onto the public scene during the Sunflower Movement we described above. Hundreds of contributors in the g0v community were present during the occupation of the Legislative Yuan (LY), aiding in broadcasting, documenting and communicating civic actions. Livestream-based communication sparked heated discussion among the public. Street vendors, lawyers, teachers, and designers rolled up their sleeves to participate in various online and offline actions. Digital tools brought together resources for crowdfunding, rallies, and international voices of support.
-The protestors' demands, thus formulated, for a review process prior to the passage of the Cross-Straits Services Trade Agreement was accepted by LY Speaker Wang Jin-pyng on April 6, about three weeks after the start of the occupation, leading to its dispersal soon thereafter. The contributions of g0v to both sides and the resolution of their tensions led the sitting government to see the merit in g0v's methods and in particular Minister without Portfolio Jaclyn Tsai recruited one of us as a youth "reverse mentor" and began to attend and support g0v meetings, putting an increasing range of government materials into the public domain through g0v platforms.
+On March 30, 2014, half a million people took to the streets in the largest demonstration in Taiwan since the 1980s. Their demands, thus formulated, for a review process prior to the passage of the Cross-Straits Services Trade Agreement was accepted by LY Speaker Wang Jin-pyng on April 6, about three weeks after the start of the occupation, leading to its dispersal soon thereafter. The contributions of g0v to both sides and the resolution of their tensions led the sitting government to see the merit in g0v's methods and in particular cabinet member Jaclyn Tsai recruited one of us as a youth "reverse mentor" and began to attend and support g0v meetings, putting an increasing range of government materials into the public domain through g0v platforms.
-The following local (2014) and general (2016) elections saw a dramatic swing in outcomes of roughly 10 percentage points towards the Green camp as well as the establishment of a new roughly Green-aligned political party by the Sunflower leaders, the New Power Party, including leading Taiwanese rock star Freddy Lim. Together these events significantly added to the momentum behind g0v and led to one of our appointment to succeed Tsai as Minister without Portfolio, responsible for digital affairs.
+Many Sunflower participants devoted themselves to the open government movement; the following local (2014) and general (2016) elections saw a dramatic swing in outcomes of roughly 10 percentage points towards the Green camp, as well as the establishment of a new political party by the Sunflower leaders, the New Power Party, including leading Taiwanese rock star Freddy Lim. Together, these events significantly added to the momentum behind g0v and led to one of our appointment as Minister without Portfolio responsible for open government, social innovation and youth participation.
### vTaiwan and Join
-During this process of institutionalization of g0v, there was growing demand to apply the methods that had allowed for these dispute resolutions to a broader range of policy issues. This led to the establishment of vTaiwan, a platform and project developed by g0v for facilitating deliberation on public policy controversies. The process involved many steps (proposal, opinion expression, reflection and legisation) each harnessing a range of open source software tools, but has become best known for its use of the at-the-time(2015)-novel machine learning based open-source "wikisurvey"/social media tool Polis, which we discuss further in our chapter on Augmented Deliberation below. In short, Polis works much like a conventional microblogging service like Twitter/X except that rather than displaying content that maximizes engagement it shows the clusters of opinion that exist and highlights statements that bridge them to faciliate both consensus formation and the better understanding of lines of division.
-
+During this process of institutionalization of g0v, there was growing demand to apply the methods that had allowed for these dispute resolutions to a broader range of policy issues. This led to the establishment of vTaiwan, a platform and project developed by g0v for facilitating deliberation on public policy controversies. The process involved many steps (proposal, opinion expression, reflection and legisation) each harnessing a range of open source software tools, but has become best known for its use of the at-the-time(2015)-novel machine learning based open-source "wikisurvey"/social media tool Polis, which we discuss further in our chapter on 05-04 Augmented Deliberation below. In short, Polis works much like a conventional microblogging service like Twitter/X except that rather than displaying content that maximizes engagement it shows the clusters of opinion that exist and highlights statements that bridge them to faciliate both consensus formation and the better understanding of lines of division.
+
+
vTaiwan was deliberately intended as an experimental, high-touch, intensive platform for committed participants. It had about 200,000 users or about 1% of Taiwan's population at its peak and held detailed deliberations on 28 issues, 80% of which led to legislative action. These focused mostly on questions around technology regulation, such as the regulation of ride sharing, responses to non-consensual intimate images, regulatory experimentation with financial technology and regulation of AI. While these were generally viewed as successful by all parties, the intensive effort required, the lack of mandates for government to respond and the somewhat narrow scope has led to a relative decline of the platform recently.
-The Public Digital Innovation Space (PDIS) that one of us established in 2016 to oversee vTaiwan and other projects we discuss below in the ministerial role therefore supported a second, related platform Join. While Join also uses Polis, it has a lighter-weight user interface and focuses primarily on soliciting input, suggestions and initatives from a broader public, and has an enforcement mechanism where government officials must respond if a proposal receives sufficient support. Unlike vTaiwan, furthermore, Join addresses a range of policy issues, including controversial non-technological issues such as high school's start time, and has strong continuing usage today of roughly half of the population over its lifetime and an average of 11,000 unique daily visitors.
+The Public Digital Innovation Space (PDIS) that one of us established in 2016 to oversee vTaiwan and other projects we discuss below in the ministerial role therefore supported a second, related platform Join. While Join also sometime used Polis, it has a lighter-weight user interface and focuses primarily on soliciting input, suggestions and initatives from a broader public, and has an enforcement mechanism where government officials must respond if a proposal receives sufficient support. Unlike vTaiwan, furthermore, Join addresses a range of policy issues, including controversial non-technological issues such as high school's start time, and has strong continuing usage today of roughly half of the population over its lifetime and an average of 11,000 unique daily visitors.
### Hackathons, coalitions and quadratic signals
While such levels of digital civic engagement may seem surprising to many Westerners, they can be seen simply as the harnessing of a small portion of the energy typically wasted on conflict on (anti-)social media towards solving public problems. Even more concentrated applications of this principle have come by placing the weight of government behind the g0v practice of hackathons through the Presidential Hackathon (PH) and a variety of supporting institutions.
-The PH convened mixed teams of civil servants, academics, activists and technologists to propose tools, social practices and collective data custody arrangements that allowed them to "collectively bargain" with their data for cooperation with government and private actors supported by the PDIS-supported program of "data coalitions" to address civic problems. Examples have included the monitoring of air quality or early warning systems for wildfires. Participants and broader citizens were asked to help select the winners using a voting system called Quadratic Voting that allows people to express the extent of their support across a range of projects and that we discuss in our ⿻ Voting chapter below. This allowed a wide range of participants to be at least partial winners, by making it likely everyone would have supported some winner and that if someone felt very strongly in favor of one project they could give it a significant boost. Winning project received a holographic representation of the President of Taiwan giving the hologram to the winners, leverage they could use to induce relevant government agencies or localities to cooperate in their mission, given the legitimacy g0v has gained as noted above.
+The PH convened mixed teams of civil servants, academics, activists and technologists to propose tools, social practices and collective data custody arrangements that allowed them to "collectively bargain" with their data for cooperation with government and private actors supported by the PDIS-supported program of "data coalitions" to address civic problems. Examples have included the monitoring of air quality or early warning systems for wildfires. Participants and broader citizens were asked to help select the winners using a voting system called Quadratic Voting that allows people to express the extent of their support across a range of projects and that we discuss in our 05-06 ⿻ Voting chapter below. This allowed a wide range of participants to be at least partial winners, by making it likely everyone would have supported some winner and that if someone felt very strongly in favor of one project they could give it a significant boost. Winning project received a holographic representation of the President of Taiwan giving the hologram to the winners, leverage they could use to induce relevant government agencies or localities to cooperate in their mission, given the legitimacy g0v has gained as noted above.
More recently, this practice has been extended beyond developing technical solutions to envisioning of alternative futures and production of media content to support this through "ideathons". It has also gone beyond symbolic support to awarding real funding to valued projects (such as around agricultural and food safety inspections) using an extension of Quadratic Voting to Funding as we discuss in our Social Markets chapter.
@@ -60,26 +63,25 @@ Another critical aspect of the Taiwanese response was the rigorous use of testin
Yet perhaps the single most important digital contributor to Taiwan's pandemic response was its ability to rapidly and effectively respond to misinformation and deliberate attempts to spread disinformation. This "superpower" has extended, however, well beyond the pandemic and been critical to the successful elections Taiwan has held during a time when a lack of information integrity has challenged many other jurisdictions.
-Perhaps most important to these efforts has been the g0v spin-off project Taiwan CoFacts, in which participating citizens rapidly respond to both trending social media content and to messages from private channels forward to a public comment box for requested response. Recent research shows that these systems can typically respond faster, equally accurately and more engagingly to mis- and disinformation than can professional fact checkers, who are much more bandwidth constrained.
+Perhaps most important to these efforts has been the g0v spin-off project "Cofacts," in which participating citizens rapidly respond to both trending social media content and to messages from private channels forward to a public comment box for requested response. Recent research shows that these systems can typically respond faster, equally accurately and more engagingly to rumors than can professional fact checkers, who are much more bandwidth constrained.
-The technical sophistication of Taiwan's civil sector and its support from the public sector have aided in other ways as well/ This has allowed organizations like MyGoPen and private sector companies like Gogolook to develop and, with public support, rapidly spread chatbots for private messaging services like Line that make it fast and easy for citizens to anonymously receive rapid responses to possibly misleading information. Government leaders' close cooperation with such civil groups has allowed them to model and thus encourage policies of "humor over rumor" and "fast, fun and fair" response to misleading information. For example, when a rumor began to spread during the pandemic that there would be a shortage of toilet paper created by the mass production of masks, Taiwan's Premier Su Tseng-chang famously circulated a picture of himself wagging his rear to indicate it had nothing to fear.
+The technical sophistication of Taiwan's civil sector and its support from the public sector have aided in other ways as well. This has allowed organizations like MyGoPen and private sector companies like Gogolook to develop and, with public support, rapidly spread chatbots for private messaging services like Line that make it fast and easy for citizens to anonymously receive rapid responses to possibly misleading information. Government leaders' close cooperation with such civil groups has allowed them to model and thus encourage policies of "humor over rumor" and "fast, fun and fair" responses. For example, when a rumor began to spread during the pandemic that there would be a shortage of toilet paper created by the mass production of masks, Taiwan's Premier Su Tseng-chang famously circulated a picture of himself wagging his rear to indicate it had nothing to fear.
-Together these policies have helped Taiwan fight off the "infodemic" without takedowns, just as it fought of the pandemic without lockdowns. This culminated in the January 13, 2024 election we mentioned above, in which a PRC disinformation campaign of unprecedented size and AI-fueled sophistication failed to polarize or noticeably sway the election.
+Together these policies have helped Taiwan fight off the "infodemic" without takedowns, just as it fought of the pandemic without lockdowns. This culminated in the January 13, 2024 election we mentioned above, in which a PRC campaign of unprecedented size and AI-fueled sophistication failed to polarize or noticeably sway the election.
### Other programs
While these are some of the most prominent examples of Taiwanese digital democratic innovation, there are many other examples we lack the space to discuss in detail but will briefly list here.
-
-1. Alignment assemblies: Taiwan has pioneered convening, increasingly common around the world, of citizen participation in the regulation and steering of GFMs.
+1. Alignment assemblies: Taiwan has pioneered convening, increasingly common around the world, of citizen participation in the regulation and steering of AI foundation models.
2. Information security: Taiwan has become a world leader in the use of distributed storage to guard against malicious content takedowns and of "zero trust" principles in ensuring the security of citizen accounts.
3. Gold cards: Taiwan has among the most diversely accesible paths to permanent residence through its "gold card" program, including in a "digital field" to those who have contributed to open source and public interest software.
4. Transparency: Building on and extending broader government policies of data transparency, one of us has modeled this idea by making recordings and/or transcripts all of her official meetings public without copyrights.
-5. Digital competence education: FILL IN AUDREY
+5. Digital competence education: Since 2019, Taiwan has pioneered a 12-Year Basic Education Curriculum that enshrines "tech, info & media literacy" as a core competency, empowering students to become active co-creators and discerning arbiters of media, rather than passive consumers.
6. Land and spectrum: Building on the ideas of Henry George, Taiwan has among the most innovative policies in the world to ensure full utilization of natural resources, land and eletromagnetic spectrum through taxes that include rights of compulsory sale (as we discuss further in our Property and Contract and Social Markets chapters).
7. Participation Officer Network: PDIS helped create a network of civil servants across departments committed to citizen participation, collaboration across government departmnets and digital feedback, who could act as supporters and conduits of practices such as these.
8. Broadband access: Taiwan has one of the most universal internet access rates and has been recognized two years in a row as the fatest average internet in the world.
-9. Open parliament: Taiwan has become a leader in the global "open parliament" movement, experimenting with a range of ways to make parliamentary procedures transparent to the public and using innovative voting methods like the Condorcet method we discuss in our ⿻ Voting chapter below.
+9. Open parliament: Taiwan has become a leader in the global "open parliament" movement, experimenting with a range of ways to make parliamentary procedures transparent to the public and experimenting with innovative voting methods.
10. Digital diplomacy: Based on these experiences, Taiwan has become a leading advisor and mentor to democracies around the world confronting similar challenges and with similar ambitions to harness digital tools to improve participation and resilience.
Furthermore, this work sufficiently won the confidence of both the public and the government that in August 2022 Taiwan created a Ministry of Digital Affairs, elevating one of us from Minister without Portfolio to lead this new ministry.
@@ -101,7 +103,7 @@ Given this background, several features of Taiwan's economic performance in the
1. Growth: Taiwan has averaged real GDP growth of 3% over the last decade, compared to less than 2% for the OECD, a bit over 2% for the US and 2.7% for the world overall.[^WB]
2. Unemployment: Taiwan has averaged an unemployment rate of just under 4% steadily in the last decade, compared to an OECD average of 6%, a US average of 5% and a world average of around 6%.
3. Inflation: While inflation has spiked and wildly fluctuated around the world including almost all rich countries, Taiwan's inflation rate has remained relatively steady the last decade in the 0-2% range, averaging 1.3% according to the IMF.
-4. Inequality: The last decade has seen significant debate about methods in calculating inequality statistics. Using more traditional methods, Taiwan's Survey of Family Income and Expenditure has found that Taiwan's Gini Index of inequality (ranging from 0 for perfectly equal to 1 for perfectly unequal) has been steady at around .28 for the last decade, placing it around the level of Austria on the lower end of global inequality and far lower than the roughly .4 of the US. Other analyses, using innovative but controversial administrative approaches pioneered by economists including Emmanuel Saez, Thomas Piketty, and Gabriel Zucman show Taiwan's top 1% income share at 19%, not far behind the US at 21% and well above a country like France at 13%. However, even in these data, Taiwan's top 1% share has fallen by about a tenth in the last decade, while in both France and the US it has risen by a similar proportion. Furthemore, a number of studies have recently argued these methods tend to find higher inequality in countries and time periods with lower and less progressive taxes as they rely on tax administration data and struggle to fully account for induced avoidance.[^Inequalitycritique] Given Taiwan's dramatically lower tax take than either the US or France, it seems likely that if these issues apply anywhere, they would lead to a substantial overstatement of Taiwanese inequality.[^CapitalShare]
+4. Inequality: The last decade has seen significant debate about methods in calculating inequality statistics. Using more traditional methods, Taiwan's Survey of Family Income and Expenditure has found that Taiwan's Gini Index of inequality (ranging from 0 for perfectly equal to 1 for perfectly unequal) has been steady at around .28 for the last decade, placing it around the level of Austria on the lower end of global inequality and far lower than the roughly .4 of the US. Other analyses, using innovative but controversial administrative approaches pioneered by economists including Emmanuel Saez, Thomas Piketty, and Gabriel Zucman show Taiwan's top 1% income share at 19%, not far behind the US at 21% and well above a country like France at 13%. However, even in these data, Taiwan's top 1% share has fallen by about a tenth in the last decade, while in both France and the US it has risen by a similar proportion. Furthemore, a number of studies have recently argued these methods tend to find higher inequality in countries and time periods with lower and less progressive taxes as they rely on tax administration data and struggle to fully account for induced avoidance.[^Inequalitycritique] Given Taiwan's dramatically lower tax take than either the US or France, it seems likely that if these issues apply anywhere, they would lead to a substantial overstatement of Taiwanese inequality.[^CapitalShare]
Putting these facts together, what is notable is that Taiwan's economic performance has been strong and fairly egalitarian or at least not becoming more unequal *despite its wealth and extreme tech-intensity*. As we documented above, economists have widely blamed the role of technology for many recent economic woes, including slow growth, unemployment and rising inequality. In the world's most tech-intensive economy, this seems not to be the case.
@@ -115,11 +117,11 @@ Taiwan is also marked by a unique experience with religion among rich countires,
#### Political
-Taiwan is widely recognized both for the quality of its democracy and its resilience against technology-driven mis- and disinformation. Several indices, published by organizations such as Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit, the Bertelsmann Foundation and V-Dem, consistently rank Taiwan as among the freest and most effective democracies on earth.[^demrank] While Taiwan's precise ranking differs across these indices (ranging from first to merely in the top 15%), it nearly always stands out as the strongest democracy in Asia and the strongest democracy younger than 30 years old; even if one includes the wave of post-Soviety democracies immediately before this, almost all are less than half Taiwan's size, typically an order of magnitude smaller. Thus Taiwan is at least regarded as Asia's strongest democracy and the strongest young democracy of reasonable size and by many as the world's strongest. Furthermore, while democracy has generally declined in every region of the world in the last decade according to these indices, Taiwan's democratic scores have substantially increased.
+Taiwan is widely recognized both for the quality of its democracy and its resilience against technology-driven information manipulation. Several indices, published by organizations such as Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit, the Bertelsmann Foundation and V-Dem, consistently rank Taiwan as among the freest and most effective democracies on earth.[^demrank] While Taiwan's precise ranking differs across these indices (ranging from first to merely in the top 15%), it nearly always stands out as the strongest democracy in Asia and the strongest democracy younger than 30 years old; even if one includes the wave of post-Soviety democracies immediately before this, almost all are less than half Taiwan's size, typically an order of magnitude smaller. Thus Taiwan is at least regarded as Asia's strongest democracy and the strongest young democracy of reasonable size and by many as the world's strongest. Furthermore, while democracy has generally declined in every region of the world in the last decade according to these indices, Taiwan's democratic scores have substantially increased.
In addition to this overall strength, Taiwan is noted for its resistance to polarization and threats to information integrity. A variety of studies using a range of methodologies have found that Taiwan is one of the least politically, socially and religiously polarized developed countries in the world, though some have found a slight upward trend in political polarization since the Sunflower movement.[^polarization] This is especially true in *affective polarization*, the holding of negative or hostile personal attitudes towards political opponents, with Taiwan consistently among the 5 least affectively polarized countries.
-This is inspite of the fact that analyses consistently find Taiwan to be the jursidiction targeted for the largest volume of disinformation on earth.[^disinfovolume] One reason for this paradoxical result may be the finding by political scientists Bauer and Wilson that unlike in many other contexts, foreign disinformation fails to exacerbate partisan divides in Taiwan. Instead, it tends to galvanize a unified stance among Taiwanese against external interference.[^Disinfo]
+This is inspite of the fact that analyses consistently find Taiwan to be the jursidiction targeted for the largest volume of disinformation on earth.[^disinfovolume] One reason for this paradoxical result may be the finding by political scientists Bauer and Wilson that unlike in many other contexts, foreign manipulation fails to exacerbate partisan divides in Taiwan. Instead, it tends to galvanize a unified stance among Taiwanese against external interference.[^Disinfo]
#### Legal
diff --git "a/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md" "b/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md"
index 31dfb110..27a586ca 100644
--- "a/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md"
+++ "b/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md"
@@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ The urgency in the voice was palpable. Faisal replied, "I can't find a secretive
---
-In his classic summary of his observations of *Democracy in America*, French aristocrat and traveler Alexis De Toqueville highlighted the centrality of the civic association to American self-government “Nothing...is more deserving of our attention than the intellectual and moral associations of America." Furthermore, he believed that such associations were necessary for political action and social improvement because equality across individuals had rendered large scale action by individuals alone impossible: "If men are to remain civilized...the art of associating together must grow and improve in the same ratio in which the equality of conditions is increased."[^Toqueville]
+In his classic summary of his observations of *Democracy in America*, French aristocrat and traveler Alexis De Toqueville highlighted the centrality of the civic association to American self-government “Nothing...is more deserving of our attention than the intellectual and moral associations of America." Furthermore, he believed that such associations were necessary for political action and social improvement because equality across individuals had rendered large scale action by individuals alone impossible: "If men are to remain civilized...the art of associating together must grow and improve in the same ratio in which the equality of conditions is increased."[^Tocqueville]
No individual has ever, alone, made political, social or economic change. Collective efforts, through political parties, civic associations, labor unions and businesses, is always necessary. For ⿻, these and other less formal social groupings are just as fundamental as individuals are to the social fabric. In this sense, associations are the Yin to the Yang of personhood in the most foundational rights and for the same reason are the scourge of tyrants. Again to quote De Toqueville, "No defect of the human heart suits (despotism) better than egoism; a tyrant is relaxed enough to forgive his subjects for failing to love him, provided that they do not love one another." Only by facilitating and protecting the capacity to form novel associations with meaningful agency can we hope for freedom, self-government and diversity.
diff --git a/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md b/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md
index bf9c67d2..1f8efc05 100644
--- a/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md
+++ b/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md
@@ -64,7 +64,7 @@ The magnetic stripe was first deployed on cards in 1970. In 1973, the first elec
* TODO DATA ON HOW DOMINANT THEY BECAME AND WHEN. *
-Cheques clearing systems began to leverage database and telecommunications networks in the 1970s with the develompent of Automated Clearing Houses (ACHs). These process large volumes of credit and debit transactions between accounts at banks in batches on a net settlement basis. This system supports government payments to people (employees, pensioners) Employer payments to employees, Business to business payments, consumer to bank payments (mortgages) and other such transactions made from one bank account to another. The first ACH, BACS began operation in the UK in 1968, in the US the first one, operated by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco began processing transctions in 1972. Jurisdictions around the world developed "automated clearing houses" (ACHs) for electronic transfers and wires as an alternative to cheques in their own markets by 2012 there ware 98 such systems[^WB].
+Cheques clearing systems began to leverage database and telecommunications networks in the 1970s with the develompent of Automated Clearing Houses (ACHs). These process large volumes of credit and debit transactions between accounts at banks in batches on a net settlement basis. This system supports government payments to people (employees, pensioners) Employer payments to employees, Business to business payments, consumer to bank payments (mortgages) and other such transactions made from one bank account to another. The first ACH, BACS began operation in the UK in 1968, in the US the first one, operated by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco began processing transctions in 1972. Jurisdictions around the world developed "automated clearing houses" (ACHs) for electronic transfers and wires as an alternative to cheques in their own markets by 2012 there ware 98 such systems[^IBRD].
Banks themselves needed to consider how to transfer money internationally and in 1973 they came together to form, Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) a co-operative they all own and manage. Swift doesn't actually move money it acts as a carrier of the "messages containing the payment instructions between financial institutions involved in a transaction". [^Swift]. By 2018 messages about half of all high-value cross-border payments went through its network. [^Swift2]
@@ -155,7 +155,7 @@ In these cases under conditions of supermodular production and social consumptio
[^Disc0403]: In fact, the primary financial support for one of the author's personal finances and our joint charitable pursuits came from gains in cryptocurrencies.
[^Debt]: Graeber, *Debt: The First 5000 Years*, and the books by the other authors (*Currency and Credit*, *Credit and State Theories of Money*, *The Nature of Money* and *Money has no Value*)
-[^WB]: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank (5 May 2013). "Global Payment Systems Survey (GPSS)". (from wikipdeia = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automated_clearing_house#cite_note-IBRDGPSS2012-10)
+[^IBRD]: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank (5 May 2013). "Global Payment Systems Survey (GPSS)". (from wikipdeia = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automated_clearing_house#cite_note-IBRDGPSS2012-10)
[^Swift]: Scott, Susan V.; Zachariadis, Markos (2014). The Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (Swift) : cooperative governance for network innovation, standards, and community. New York, NY: Routledge. pp. 1, 35. doi:10.4324/9781315849324. ISBN 978-1-317-90952-1. OCLC 862930816.
diff --git "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-\351\227\234\346\226\274\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md" "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-\351\227\234\346\226\274\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md"
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+|  |  |
+| :------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | :--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
+| 衛谷倫是 RadicalxChange 的創始人、微軟研究院微軟多元協作中心研究總監、Plurality Institute 共同創辦人，也是《激進市場》的共同作者。 | 唐鳳是 🇹🇼 首任數位發展部長，也是全球首位 🏳️⚧️ 閣員。 |
+
+
+[^g0vManifesto]: [g0v Manifesto](https://g0v.tw/intl/en/manifesto/en/) defines it as "a non-partisan, not-for-profit, grassroots movement". [MoeDict](https://moedict.tw/), an early g0v project, was led by one of the authors of this book.
+
+
g0v built on this success to establish a vibrant community of civic hackers interacting with a range of non-technical civil society groups at regular hackathon, called "jothons" (based on a Mandarin play on words, meaning roughly "join-athon"). While hackathons are common in many parts of the world, some of the unique features of g0v practices include the diversity of participant (usually a majority non-technical and with nearly full gender parity), the orientation towards civic problems rather than commercial outcomes and the close collaboration with a range of civic organizations. These features are perhaps best summarized by the slogan "Ask not why nobody is doing this. You are the 'nobody'!", which has led the group to be labeled the "nobody movement". They are also reflected in a venn diagram commonly used to explain the movement's intentions shown above. As we will note below, a majority of the initiatives we highlight grew out of g0v and closely aligned projects.
### Sunflower
-While g0v gained significant public attention and support even in its earliest years, it burst most prominently onto the public scene during the Sunflower Movement we described above. Several leaders in the g0v community, including one of the authors of this book, were present at protests on a variety of topics in the days leading up to the occupation of the Legislative Yuan (LY), aiding in broadcasting, documenting and communicating these civic actions. As such, when the Sunflower occupation began, they were prepared to use their devices to help broadcast the events and allow communication both among participants and between them and the outside world. While many of the details of what happened within the LY remain confidential to this day to protect the participants, perhaps more revealing is what happened outside and how it shaped events within.
+While g0v gained significant public attention and support even in its earliest years, it burst most prominently onto the public scene during the Sunflower Movement we described above. Hundreds of contributors in the g0v community were present during the occupation of the Legislative Yuan (LY), aiding in broadcasting, documenting and communicating civic actions. Livestream-based communication sparked heated discussion among the public. Street vendors, lawyers, teachers, and designers rolled up their sleeves to participate in various online and offline actions. Digital tools brought together resources for crowdfunding, rallies, and international voices of support.
-The protestors' demands, thus formulated, for a review process prior to the passage of the Cross-Straits Services Trade Agreement was accepted by LY Speaker Wang Jin-pyng on April 6, about three weeks after the start of the occupation, leading to its dispersal soon thereafter. The contributions of g0v to both sides and the resolution of their tensions led the sitting government to see the merit in g0v's methods and in particular Minister without Portfolio Jaclyn Tsai recruited one of us as a youth "reverse mentor" and began to attend and support g0v meetings, putting an increasing range of government materials into the public domain through g0v platforms.
+On March 30, 2014, half a million people took to the streets in the largest demonstration in Taiwan since the 1980s. Their demands, thus formulated, for a review process prior to the passage of the Cross-Straits Services Trade Agreement was accepted by LY Speaker Wang Jin-pyng on April 6, about three weeks after the start of the occupation, leading to its dispersal soon thereafter. The contributions of g0v to both sides and the resolution of their tensions led the sitting government to see the merit in g0v's methods and in particular cabinet member Jaclyn Tsai recruited one of us as a youth "reverse mentor" and began to attend and support g0v meetings, putting an increasing range of government materials into the public domain through g0v platforms.
-The following local (2014) and general (2016) elections saw a dramatic swing in outcomes of roughly 10 percentage points towards the Green camp as well as the establishment of a new roughly Green-aligned political party by the Sunflower leaders, the New Power Party, including leading Taiwanese rock star Freddy Lim. Together these events significantly added to the momentum behind g0v and led to one of our appointment to succeed Tsai as Minister without Portfolio, responsible for digital affairs.
+Many Sunflower participants devoted themselves to the open government movement; the following local (2014) and general (2016) elections saw a dramatic swing in outcomes of roughly 10 percentage points towards the Green camp, as well as the establishment of a new political party by the Sunflower leaders, the New Power Party, including leading Taiwanese rock star Freddy Lim. Together, these events significantly added to the momentum behind g0v and led to one of our appointment as Minister without Portfolio responsible for open government, social innovation and youth participation.
### vTaiwan and Join
-During this process of institutionalization of g0v, there was growing demand to apply the methods that had allowed for these dispute resolutions to a broader range of policy issues. This led to the establishment of vTaiwan, a platform and project developed by g0v for facilitating deliberation on public policy controversies. The process involved many steps (proposal, opinion expression, reflection and legisation) each harnessing a range of open source software tools, but has become best known for its use of the at-the-time(2015)-novel machine learning based open-source "wikisurvey"/social media tool Polis, which we discuss further in our chapter on Augmented Deliberation below. In short, Polis works much like a conventional microblogging service like Twitter/X except that rather than displaying content that maximizes engagement it shows the clusters of opinion that exist and highlights statements that bridge them to faciliate both consensus formation and the better understanding of lines of division.
-
+During this process of institutionalization of g0v, there was growing demand to apply the methods that had allowed for these dispute resolutions to a broader range of policy issues. This led to the establishment of vTaiwan, a platform and project developed by g0v for facilitating deliberation on public policy controversies. The process involved many steps (proposal, opinion expression, reflection and legisation) each harnessing a range of open source software tools, but has become best known for its use of the at-the-time(2015)-novel machine learning based open-source "wikisurvey"/social media tool Polis, which we discuss further in our chapter on 05-04 Augmented Deliberation below. In short, Polis works much like a conventional microblogging service like Twitter/X except that rather than displaying content that maximizes engagement it shows the clusters of opinion that exist and highlights statements that bridge them to faciliate both consensus formation and the better understanding of lines of division.
+
+
vTaiwan was deliberately intended as an experimental, high-touch, intensive platform for committed participants. It had about 200,000 users or about 1% of Taiwan's population at its peak and held detailed deliberations on 28 issues, 80% of which led to legislative action. These focused mostly on questions around technology regulation, such as the regulation of ride sharing, responses to non-consensual intimate images, regulatory experimentation with financial technology and regulation of AI. While these were generally viewed as successful by all parties, the intensive effort required, the lack of mandates for government to respond and the somewhat narrow scope has led to a relative decline of the platform recently.
-The Public Digital Innovation Space (PDIS) that one of us established in 2016 to oversee vTaiwan and other projects we discuss below in the ministerial role therefore supported a second, related platform Join. While Join also uses Polis, it has a lighter-weight user interface and focuses primarily on soliciting input, suggestions and initatives from a broader public, and has an enforcement mechanism where government officials must respond if a proposal receives sufficient support. Unlike vTaiwan, furthermore, Join addresses a range of policy issues, including controversial non-technological issues such as high school's start time, and has strong continuing usage today of roughly half of the population over its lifetime and an average of 11,000 unique daily visitors.
+The Public Digital Innovation Space (PDIS) that one of us established in 2016 to oversee vTaiwan and other projects we discuss below in the ministerial role therefore supported a second, related platform Join. While Join also sometime used Polis, it has a lighter-weight user interface and focuses primarily on soliciting input, suggestions and initatives from a broader public, and has an enforcement mechanism where government officials must respond if a proposal receives sufficient support. Unlike vTaiwan, furthermore, Join addresses a range of policy issues, including controversial non-technological issues such as high school's start time, and has strong continuing usage today of roughly half of the population over its lifetime and an average of 11,000 unique daily visitors.
### Hackathons, coalitions and quadratic signals
While such levels of digital civic engagement may seem surprising to many Westerners, they can be seen simply as the harnessing of a small portion of the energy typically wasted on conflict on (anti-)social media towards solving public problems. Even more concentrated applications of this principle have come by placing the weight of government behind the g0v practice of hackathons through the Presidential Hackathon (PH) and a variety of supporting institutions.
-The PH convened mixed teams of civil servants, academics, activists and technologists to propose tools, social practices and collective data custody arrangements that allowed them to "collectively bargain" with their data for cooperation with government and private actors supported by the PDIS-supported program of "data coalitions" to address civic problems. Examples have included the monitoring of air quality or early warning systems for wildfires. Participants and broader citizens were asked to help select the winners using a voting system called Quadratic Voting that allows people to express the extent of their support across a range of projects and that we discuss in our ⿻ Voting chapter below. This allowed a wide range of participants to be at least partial winners, by making it likely everyone would have supported some winner and that if someone felt very strongly in favor of one project they could give it a significant boost. Winning project received a holographic representation of the President of Taiwan giving the hologram to the winners, leverage they could use to induce relevant government agencies or localities to cooperate in their mission, given the legitimacy g0v has gained as noted above.
+The PH convened mixed teams of civil servants, academics, activists and technologists to propose tools, social practices and collective data custody arrangements that allowed them to "collectively bargain" with their data for cooperation with government and private actors supported by the PDIS-supported program of "data coalitions" to address civic problems. Examples have included the monitoring of air quality or early warning systems for wildfires. Participants and broader citizens were asked to help select the winners using a voting system called Quadratic Voting that allows people to express the extent of their support across a range of projects and that we discuss in our 05-06 ⿻ Voting chapter below. This allowed a wide range of participants to be at least partial winners, by making it likely everyone would have supported some winner and that if someone felt very strongly in favor of one project they could give it a significant boost. Winning project received a holographic representation of the President of Taiwan giving the hologram to the winners, leverage they could use to induce relevant government agencies or localities to cooperate in their mission, given the legitimacy g0v has gained as noted above.
More recently, this practice has been extended beyond developing technical solutions to envisioning of alternative futures and production of media content to support this through "ideathons". It has also gone beyond symbolic support to awarding real funding to valued projects (such as around agricultural and food safety inspections) using an extension of Quadratic Voting to Funding as we discuss in our Social Markets chapter.
@@ -60,26 +63,25 @@ Another critical aspect of the Taiwanese response was the rigorous use of testin
Yet perhaps the single most important digital contributor to Taiwan's pandemic response was its ability to rapidly and effectively respond to misinformation and deliberate attempts to spread disinformation. This "superpower" has extended, however, well beyond the pandemic and been critical to the successful elections Taiwan has held during a time when a lack of information integrity has challenged many other jurisdictions.
-Perhaps most important to these efforts has been the g0v spin-off project Taiwan CoFacts, in which participating citizens rapidly respond to both trending social media content and to messages from private channels forward to a public comment box for requested response. Recent research shows that these systems can typically respond faster, equally accurately and more engagingly to mis- and disinformation than can professional fact checkers, who are much more bandwidth constrained.
+Perhaps most important to these efforts has been the g0v spin-off project "Cofacts," in which participating citizens rapidly respond to both trending social media content and to messages from private channels forward to a public comment box for requested response. Recent research shows that these systems can typically respond faster, equally accurately and more engagingly to rumors than can professional fact checkers, who are much more bandwidth constrained.
-The technical sophistication of Taiwan's civil sector and its support from the public sector have aided in other ways as well/ This has allowed organizations like MyGoPen and private sector companies like Gogolook to develop and, with public support, rapidly spread chatbots for private messaging services like Line that make it fast and easy for citizens to anonymously receive rapid responses to possibly misleading information. Government leaders' close cooperation with such civil groups has allowed them to model and thus encourage policies of "humor over rumor" and "fast, fun and fair" response to misleading information. For example, when a rumor began to spread during the pandemic that there would be a shortage of toilet paper created by the mass production of masks, Taiwan's Premier Su Tseng-chang famously circulated a picture of himself wagging his rear to indicate it had nothing to fear.
+The technical sophistication of Taiwan's civil sector and its support from the public sector have aided in other ways as well. This has allowed organizations like MyGoPen and private sector companies like Gogolook to develop and, with public support, rapidly spread chatbots for private messaging services like Line that make it fast and easy for citizens to anonymously receive rapid responses to possibly misleading information. Government leaders' close cooperation with such civil groups has allowed them to model and thus encourage policies of "humor over rumor" and "fast, fun and fair" responses. For example, when a rumor began to spread during the pandemic that there would be a shortage of toilet paper created by the mass production of masks, Taiwan's Premier Su Tseng-chang famously circulated a picture of himself wagging his rear to indicate it had nothing to fear.
-Together these policies have helped Taiwan fight off the "infodemic" without takedowns, just as it fought of the pandemic without lockdowns. This culminated in the January 13, 2024 election we mentioned above, in which a PRC disinformation campaign of unprecedented size and AI-fueled sophistication failed to polarize or noticeably sway the election.
+Together these policies have helped Taiwan fight off the "infodemic" without takedowns, just as it fought of the pandemic without lockdowns. This culminated in the January 13, 2024 election we mentioned above, in which a PRC campaign of unprecedented size and AI-fueled sophistication failed to polarize or noticeably sway the election.
### Other programs
While these are some of the most prominent examples of Taiwanese digital democratic innovation, there are many other examples we lack the space to discuss in detail but will briefly list here.
-
-1. Alignment assemblies: Taiwan has pioneered convening, increasingly common around the world, of citizen participation in the regulation and steering of GFMs.
+1. Alignment assemblies: Taiwan has pioneered convening, increasingly common around the world, of citizen participation in the regulation and steering of AI foundation models.
2. Information security: Taiwan has become a world leader in the use of distributed storage to guard against malicious content takedowns and of "zero trust" principles in ensuring the security of citizen accounts.
3. Gold cards: Taiwan has among the most diversely accesible paths to permanent residence through its "gold card" program, including in a "digital field" to those who have contributed to open source and public interest software.
4. Transparency: Building on and extending broader government policies of data transparency, one of us has modeled this idea by making recordings and/or transcripts all of her official meetings public without copyrights.
-5. Digital competence education: FILL IN AUDREY
+5. Digital competence education: Since 2019, Taiwan has pioneered a 12-Year Basic Education Curriculum that enshrines "tech, info & media literacy" as a core competency, empowering students to become active co-creators and discerning arbiters of media, rather than passive consumers.
6. Land and spectrum: Building on the ideas of Henry George, Taiwan has among the most innovative policies in the world to ensure full utilization of natural resources, land and eletromagnetic spectrum through taxes that include rights of compulsory sale (as we discuss further in our Property and Contract and Social Markets chapters).
7. Participation Officer Network: PDIS helped create a network of civil servants across departments committed to citizen participation, collaboration across government departmnets and digital feedback, who could act as supporters and conduits of practices such as these.
8. Broadband access: Taiwan has one of the most universal internet access rates and has been recognized two years in a row as the fatest average internet in the world.
-9. Open parliament: Taiwan has become a leader in the global "open parliament" movement, experimenting with a range of ways to make parliamentary procedures transparent to the public and using innovative voting methods like the Condorcet method we discuss in our ⿻ Voting chapter below.
+9. Open parliament: Taiwan has become a leader in the global "open parliament" movement, experimenting with a range of ways to make parliamentary procedures transparent to the public and experimenting with innovative voting methods.
10. Digital diplomacy: Based on these experiences, Taiwan has become a leading advisor and mentor to democracies around the world confronting similar challenges and with similar ambitions to harness digital tools to improve participation and resilience.
Furthermore, this work sufficiently won the confidence of both the public and the government that in August 2022 Taiwan created a Ministry of Digital Affairs, elevating one of us from Minister without Portfolio to lead this new ministry.
@@ -101,7 +103,7 @@ Given this background, several features of Taiwan's economic performance in the
1. Growth: Taiwan has averaged real GDP growth of 3% over the last decade, compared to less than 2% for the OECD, a bit over 2% for the US and 2.7% for the world overall.[^WB]
2. Unemployment: Taiwan has averaged an unemployment rate of just under 4% steadily in the last decade, compared to an OECD average of 6%, a US average of 5% and a world average of around 6%.
3. Inflation: While inflation has spiked and wildly fluctuated around the world including almost all rich countries, Taiwan's inflation rate has remained relatively steady the last decade in the 0-2% range, averaging 1.3% according to the IMF.
-4. Inequality: The last decade has seen significant debate about methods in calculating inequality statistics. Using more traditional methods, Taiwan's Survey of Family Income and Expenditure has found that Taiwan's Gini Index of inequality (ranging from 0 for perfectly equal to 1 for perfectly unequal) has been steady at around .28 for the last decade, placing it around the level of Austria on the lower end of global inequality and far lower than the roughly .4 of the US. Other analyses, using innovative but controversial administrative approaches pioneered by economists including Emmanuel Saez, Thomas Piketty, and Gabriel Zucman show Taiwan's top 1% income share at 19%, not far behind the US at 21% and well above a country like France at 13%. However, even in these data, Taiwan's top 1% share has fallen by about a tenth in the last decade, while in both France and the US it has risen by a similar proportion. Furthemore, a number of studies have recently argued these methods tend to find higher inequality in countries and time periods with lower and less progressive taxes as they rely on tax administration data and struggle to fully account for induced avoidance.[^Inequalitycritique] Given Taiwan's dramatically lower tax take than either the US or France, it seems likely that if these issues apply anywhere, they would lead to a substantial overstatement of Taiwanese inequality.[^CapitalShare]
+4. Inequality: The last decade has seen significant debate about methods in calculating inequality statistics. Using more traditional methods, Taiwan's Survey of Family Income and Expenditure has found that Taiwan's Gini Index of inequality (ranging from 0 for perfectly equal to 1 for perfectly unequal) has been steady at around .28 for the last decade, placing it around the level of Austria on the lower end of global inequality and far lower than the roughly .4 of the US. Other analyses, using innovative but controversial administrative approaches pioneered by economists including Emmanuel Saez, Thomas Piketty, and Gabriel Zucman show Taiwan's top 1% income share at 19%, not far behind the US at 21% and well above a country like France at 13%. However, even in these data, Taiwan's top 1% share has fallen by about a tenth in the last decade, while in both France and the US it has risen by a similar proportion. Furthemore, a number of studies have recently argued these methods tend to find higher inequality in countries and time periods with lower and less progressive taxes as they rely on tax administration data and struggle to fully account for induced avoidance.[^Inequalitycritique] Given Taiwan's dramatically lower tax take than either the US or France, it seems likely that if these issues apply anywhere, they would lead to a substantial overstatement of Taiwanese inequality.[^CapitalShare]
Putting these facts together, what is notable is that Taiwan's economic performance has been strong and fairly egalitarian or at least not becoming more unequal *despite its wealth and extreme tech-intensity*. As we documented above, economists have widely blamed the role of technology for many recent economic woes, including slow growth, unemployment and rising inequality. In the world's most tech-intensive economy, this seems not to be the case.
@@ -115,11 +117,11 @@ Taiwan is also marked by a unique experience with religion among rich countires,
#### Political
-Taiwan is widely recognized both for the quality of its democracy and its resilience against technology-driven mis- and disinformation. Several indices, published by organizations such as Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit, the Bertelsmann Foundation and V-Dem, consistently rank Taiwan as among the freest and most effective democracies on earth.[^demrank] While Taiwan's precise ranking differs across these indices (ranging from first to merely in the top 15%), it nearly always stands out as the strongest democracy in Asia and the strongest democracy younger than 30 years old; even if one includes the wave of post-Soviety democracies immediately before this, almost all are less than half Taiwan's size, typically an order of magnitude smaller. Thus Taiwan is at least regarded as Asia's strongest democracy and the strongest young democracy of reasonable size and by many as the world's strongest. Furthermore, while democracy has generally declined in every region of the world in the last decade according to these indices, Taiwan's democratic scores have substantially increased.
+Taiwan is widely recognized both for the quality of its democracy and its resilience against technology-driven information manipulation. Several indices, published by organizations such as Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit, the Bertelsmann Foundation and V-Dem, consistently rank Taiwan as among the freest and most effective democracies on earth.[^demrank] While Taiwan's precise ranking differs across these indices (ranging from first to merely in the top 15%), it nearly always stands out as the strongest democracy in Asia and the strongest democracy younger than 30 years old; even if one includes the wave of post-Soviety democracies immediately before this, almost all are less than half Taiwan's size, typically an order of magnitude smaller. Thus Taiwan is at least regarded as Asia's strongest democracy and the strongest young democracy of reasonable size and by many as the world's strongest. Furthermore, while democracy has generally declined in every region of the world in the last decade according to these indices, Taiwan's democratic scores have substantially increased.
In addition to this overall strength, Taiwan is noted for its resistance to polarization and threats to information integrity. A variety of studies using a range of methodologies have found that Taiwan is one of the least politically, socially and religiously polarized developed countries in the world, though some have found a slight upward trend in political polarization since the Sunflower movement.[^polarization] This is especially true in *affective polarization*, the holding of negative or hostile personal attitudes towards political opponents, with Taiwan consistently among the 5 least affectively polarized countries.
-This is inspite of the fact that analyses consistently find Taiwan to be the jursidiction targeted for the largest volume of disinformation on earth.[^disinfovolume] One reason for this paradoxical result may be the finding by political scientists Bauer and Wilson that unlike in many other contexts, foreign disinformation fails to exacerbate partisan divides in Taiwan. Instead, it tends to galvanize a unified stance among Taiwanese against external interference.[^Disinfo]
+This is inspite of the fact that analyses consistently find Taiwan to be the jursidiction targeted for the largest volume of disinformation on earth.[^disinfovolume] One reason for this paradoxical result may be the finding by political scientists Bauer and Wilson that unlike in many other contexts, foreign manipulation fails to exacerbate partisan divides in Taiwan. Instead, it tends to galvanize a unified stance among Taiwanese against external interference.[^Disinfo]
#### Legal
diff --git "a/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md" "b/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md"
index 31dfb110..27a586ca 100644
--- "a/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md"
+++ "b/contents/english/04-02-association-and-\342\277\273-publics.md"
@@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ The urgency in the voice was palpable. Faisal replied, "I can't find a secretive
---
-In his classic summary of his observations of *Democracy in America*, French aristocrat and traveler Alexis De Toqueville highlighted the centrality of the civic association to American self-government “Nothing...is more deserving of our attention than the intellectual and moral associations of America." Furthermore, he believed that such associations were necessary for political action and social improvement because equality across individuals had rendered large scale action by individuals alone impossible: "If men are to remain civilized...the art of associating together must grow and improve in the same ratio in which the equality of conditions is increased."[^Toqueville]
+In his classic summary of his observations of *Democracy in America*, French aristocrat and traveler Alexis De Toqueville highlighted the centrality of the civic association to American self-government “Nothing...is more deserving of our attention than the intellectual and moral associations of America." Furthermore, he believed that such associations were necessary for political action and social improvement because equality across individuals had rendered large scale action by individuals alone impossible: "If men are to remain civilized...the art of associating together must grow and improve in the same ratio in which the equality of conditions is increased."[^Tocqueville]
No individual has ever, alone, made political, social or economic change. Collective efforts, through political parties, civic associations, labor unions and businesses, is always necessary. For ⿻, these and other less formal social groupings are just as fundamental as individuals are to the social fabric. In this sense, associations are the Yin to the Yang of personhood in the most foundational rights and for the same reason are the scourge of tyrants. Again to quote De Toqueville, "No defect of the human heart suits (despotism) better than egoism; a tyrant is relaxed enough to forgive his subjects for failing to love him, provided that they do not love one another." Only by facilitating and protecting the capacity to form novel associations with meaningful agency can we hope for freedom, self-government and diversity.
diff --git a/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md b/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md
index bf9c67d2..1f8efc05 100644
--- a/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md
+++ b/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md
@@ -64,7 +64,7 @@ The magnetic stripe was first deployed on cards in 1970. In 1973, the first elec
* TODO DATA ON HOW DOMINANT THEY BECAME AND WHEN. *
-Cheques clearing systems began to leverage database and telecommunications networks in the 1970s with the develompent of Automated Clearing Houses (ACHs). These process large volumes of credit and debit transactions between accounts at banks in batches on a net settlement basis. This system supports government payments to people (employees, pensioners) Employer payments to employees, Business to business payments, consumer to bank payments (mortgages) and other such transactions made from one bank account to another. The first ACH, BACS began operation in the UK in 1968, in the US the first one, operated by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco began processing transctions in 1972. Jurisdictions around the world developed "automated clearing houses" (ACHs) for electronic transfers and wires as an alternative to cheques in their own markets by 2012 there ware 98 such systems[^WB].
+Cheques clearing systems began to leverage database and telecommunications networks in the 1970s with the develompent of Automated Clearing Houses (ACHs). These process large volumes of credit and debit transactions between accounts at banks in batches on a net settlement basis. This system supports government payments to people (employees, pensioners) Employer payments to employees, Business to business payments, consumer to bank payments (mortgages) and other such transactions made from one bank account to another. The first ACH, BACS began operation in the UK in 1968, in the US the first one, operated by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco began processing transctions in 1972. Jurisdictions around the world developed "automated clearing houses" (ACHs) for electronic transfers and wires as an alternative to cheques in their own markets by 2012 there ware 98 such systems[^IBRD].
Banks themselves needed to consider how to transfer money internationally and in 1973 they came together to form, Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) a co-operative they all own and manage. Swift doesn't actually move money it acts as a carrier of the "messages containing the payment instructions between financial institutions involved in a transaction". [^Swift]. By 2018 messages about half of all high-value cross-border payments went through its network. [^Swift2]
@@ -155,7 +155,7 @@ In these cases under conditions of supermodular production and social consumptio
[^Disc0403]: In fact, the primary financial support for one of the author's personal finances and our joint charitable pursuits came from gains in cryptocurrencies.
[^Debt]: Graeber, *Debt: The First 5000 Years*, and the books by the other authors (*Currency and Credit*, *Credit and State Theories of Money*, *The Nature of Money* and *Money has no Value*)
-[^WB]: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank (5 May 2013). "Global Payment Systems Survey (GPSS)". (from wikipdeia = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automated_clearing_house#cite_note-IBRDGPSS2012-10)
+[^IBRD]: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank (5 May 2013). "Global Payment Systems Survey (GPSS)". (from wikipdeia = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automated_clearing_house#cite_note-IBRDGPSS2012-10)
[^Swift]: Scott, Susan V.; Zachariadis, Markos (2014). The Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (Swift) : cooperative governance for network innovation, standards, and community. New York, NY: Routledge. pp. 1, 35. doi:10.4324/9781315849324. ISBN 978-1-317-90952-1. OCLC 862930816.
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+| 衛谷倫是 RadicalxChange 的創始人、微軟研究院微軟多元協作中心研究總監、Plurality Institute 共同創辦人，也是《激進市場》的共同作者。 | 唐鳳是 🇹🇼 首任數位發展部長，也是全球首位 🏳️⚧️ 閣員。 |
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