From eca9391cdcbf44994044762c92a99fca957d3edf Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: Audrey Tang Date: Sun, 10 Mar 2024 10:45:10 +0800 Subject: [PATCH 1/6] * zh<->en sync and updated pdf pipeline --- contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md | 14 +- contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md | 2 +- .../02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md | 42 +++-- contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md | 4 +- ...74\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md" | 9 + ...40\347\232\204\351\201\223\350\267\257.md" | 19 ++ ...11\345\261\261\350\246\226\351\207\216.md" | 2 +- ...73\347\232\204\346\227\245\345\270\270.md" | 51 ++++- noto-emoji/1f1f3-1f1ec.pdf | Bin 0 -> 1214 bytes noto-emoji/1f1f3-1f1ec.svg | 1 + scripts/Dockerfile | 8 +- scripts/cover-image.pdf | Bin 0 -> 402524 bytes scripts/cover-image.zh-tw.pdf | Bin 0 -> 401878 bytes scripts/emoji_filter.js | 176 ++++++++++++++++++ scripts/make-book-zh-tw.pl | 17 +- scripts/make-book.pl | 17 +- 16 files changed, 316 insertions(+), 46 deletions(-) create mode 100644 "contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-\351\227\234\346\226\274\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md" create mode 100644 "contents/traditional-mandarin/00-01-\346\211\276\345\210\260\344\275\240\347\232\204\351\201\223\350\267\257.md" create mode 100644 noto-emoji/1f1f3-1f1ec.pdf create mode 100644 noto-emoji/1f1f3-1f1ec.svg create mode 100644 scripts/cover-image.pdf create mode 100644 scripts/cover-image.zh-tw.pdf create mode 100755 scripts/emoji_filter.js diff --git a/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md b/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md index a0ab0630..9dc818cd 100644 --- a/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md +++ b/contents/english/00-01-finding-your-dao.md @@ -1,19 +1,19 @@ -\textbf{Finding Your Dao} +**Finding Your Dao** As we discuss in the book, linear book narratives have a significant disadvantage of forcing every reader down a single learning path. While the online version avoids this through the extensive use of hyperlinks, those who hold a physical copy will find this more challenging to navigate. To partially alleviate this problem, we have structured the text in a "circular" manner, where readers can start at a variety of points, read from there and circle back to the "earlier" material at the end. We recommend in particular that: -- Those with a primarily topical, political or \textbf{current affairs} interest begin at the beginning of the book, with the preface and read straight through. +- Those with a primarily topical, political or **current affairs** interest begin at the beginning of the book, with the preface and read straight through. -- Those with a more conceptual, theoretical or broadly \textbf{intellectual} interest consider skipping Parts 1 and 2 and beginning in Part 3 +- Those with a more conceptual, theoretical or broadly **intellectual** interest consider skipping Parts 1 and 2 and beginning in Part 3. -- Those with a more \textbf{technical}, technological or engineering focus consider beginning with Part 4 +- Those with a more **technical**, technological or engineering focus consider beginning with Part 4. -- Those with an interest in concrete technologies and their \textbf{applications} consider beginning with Part 5 +- Those with an interest in concrete technologies and their **applications** consider beginning with Part 5. -- Those with an interest in real-world \textbf{impact} in specific social sectors consider beginning with Part 6 +- Those with an interest in real-world **impact** in specific social sectors consider beginning with Part 6. -- Those with a focus on public \textbf{policy}, government and social mobilization consider beginning with Part 7 +- Those with a focus on public **policy**, government and social mobilization consider beginning with Part 7. Regardless of stating point, we expect most readers who find value wherever they begin will find it worthwhile to continue reading, looping back and filling in the theoretical frameworks of "later" parts of the book with the the material that comes earlier. diff --git a/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md b/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md index 872c219b..b8b99402 100644 --- a/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md +++ b/contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md @@ -131,7 +131,7 @@ Already among the most technology-intensive export economies in the world, this Yet despite this deep and persistent division that fueled the Sunflower movement, the overlapping consensus between these perspectives is striking: -1. Pluralism: Both the Blue and Green stories share a strong emphasis on pluralism. For Blue, it includes the multiethnic nature of the ROC, while Greens focus on the diverse influences on Taiwan, including indigenous, Japanese, Taigi, Hakka, Western and new immigrants. +1. Pluralism: Both the Blue and Green stories share a strong emphasis on pluralism. For Blue, it's about fusing both contemporary and traditional culture (exemplified by the National Palace Museum), while highlighting ROC's role as a cultural inheritor and leader; while the Greens focus on the diversity of those who have settled in Taiwan, including the indigenous peoples, Japanese, Hokkien, Hakka, Westerners, and new immigrants. 2. Diplomatic nuance: To navigate the challenging relationship with the PRC, both have had to embrace range of complex and nuanced public positions around the security posture of the US and other allies, the meaning of ROC and Taiwan, as well as the concept of "independence". 3. Democratic freedom: The ideas of "democracy" and "freedom" are core to both ideologies. For Greens, these ideas are the core of Taiwan's rallying cries overcoming both the White Terror and PRC authoritarianism. To Blues, these ideas are core to Tridemism and thus, in their eyes, qualities that a ROC leadership must focus on. 4. Anti-authoritarianism: Both are deeply concerned about growing authoritarianism in the PRC, especially in the last decade with the failure of the "One Country, Two Systems" formula in Hong Kong. diff --git a/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md b/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md index 133f9ac8..c7567340 100644 --- a/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md +++ b/contents/english/02-02-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md @@ -10,38 +10,41 @@ > When we hear “the singularity is near” — let us remember: The **Plurality** is here. -Without living in Taiwan and experiencing it regularly, it is hard to grasp what such an achievement means, and for those living their continuously many of these features are taken for granted. Thus we aim here to provide concrete illustrations and quantitative analyses of what distinguishes Taiwan's digital civic infrastructure from those of most of the rest of the world. Because there are far too many examples to discuss in detail, we have selected six diverse illustrations that roughly cover a primary focal project for each two year period from 2012-2024; after we briefly list a wide range of other programs. +Without living in Taiwan and experiencing it regularly, it is hard to grasp what such an achievement means, and for those living their continuously many of these features are taken for granted. Thus we aim here to provide concrete illustrations and quantitative analyses of what distinguishes Taiwan's digital civic infrastructure from those of most of the rest of the world. Because there are far too many examples to discuss in detail, we have selected six diverse illustrations that roughly cover a primary focal project for each two year period since 2012; after we briefly list a wide range of other programs. ### g0v -More than any other institution, the g0v (pronounced gov-zero) movement symbolizes the civil-society foundation of digital democracy in Taiwan. Founded in 2012 by civic hackers including Kao Chia-liang, g0v arose from disconent with the quality of government digital services and data transparency. The hackers began to scrape government websites (usually with the suffix .gov.tw) and build alternative formats for data display and interaction for the same website, posting them at .g0v.tw. These "forked" versions of government websites often ended up being more popular, leading some government ministers, like Simon Chang to begin "merging" these designs back into government services. +More than any other institution, g0v (pronounced gov-zero) symbolizes the civil-society foundation of digital democracy in Taiwan. Founded in 2012 by civic hackers including Kao Chia-liang, g0v arose from discontent with the quality of government digital services and data transparency[^g0vManifesto]. Civic hackers began to scrape government websites (usually with the suffix gov.tw) and build alternative formats for data display and interaction for the same website, hosting them at g0v.tw. These "forked" versions of government websites often ended up being more popular, leading some government ministers, like Simon Chang to begin "merging" these designs back into government services. -g0v-venn +[^g0vManifesto]: [g0v Manifesto](https://g0v.tw/intl/en/manifesto/en/) defines it as "a non-partisan, not-for-profit, grassroots movement". [MoeDict](https://moedict.tw/), an early g0v project, was led by one of the authors of this book. + +g0v-venn g0v built on this success to establish a vibrant community of civic hackers interacting with a range of non-technical civil society groups at regular hackathon, called "jothons" (based on a Mandarin play on words, meaning roughly "join-athon"). While hackathons are common in many parts of the world, some of the unique features of g0v practices include the diversity of participant (usually a majority non-technical and with nearly full gender parity), the orientation towards civic problems rather than commercial outcomes and the close collaboration with a range of civic organizations. These features are perhaps best summarized by the slogan "Ask not why nobody is doing this. You are the 'nobody'!", which has led the group to be labeled the "nobody movement". They are also reflected in a venn diagram commonly used to explain the movement's intentions shown above. As we will note below, a majority of the initiatives we highlight grew out of g0v and closely aligned projects. ### Sunflower -While g0v gained significant public attention and support even in its earliest years, it burst most prominently onto the public scene during the Sunflower Movement we described above. Several leaders in the g0v community, including one of the authors of this book, were present at protests on a variety of topics in the days leading up to the occupation of the Legislative Yuan (LY), aiding in broadcasting, documenting and communicating these civic actions. As such, when the Sunflower occupation began, they were prepared to use their devices to help broadcast the events and allow communication both among participants and between them and the outside world. While many of the details of what happened within the LY remain confidential to this day to protect the participants, perhaps more revealing is what happened outside and how it shaped events within. +While g0v gained significant public attention and support even in its earliest years, it burst most prominently onto the public scene during the Sunflower Movement we described above. Hundreds of contributors in the g0v community were present during the occupation of the Legislative Yuan (LY), aiding in broadcasting, documenting and communicating civic actions. Livestream-based communication sparked heated discussion among the public. Street vendors, lawyers, teachers, and designers rolled up their sleeves to participate in various online and offline actions. Digital tools brought together resources for crowdfunding, rallies, and international voices of support. -The protestors' demands, thus formulated, for a review process prior to the passage of the Cross-Straits Services Trade Agreement was accepted by LY Speaker Wang Jin-pyng on April 6, about three weeks after the start of the occupation, leading to its dispersal soon thereafter. The contributions of g0v to both sides and the resolution of their tensions led the sitting government to see the merit in g0v's methods and in particular Minister without Portfolio Jaclyn Tsai recruited one of us as a youth "reverse mentor" and began to attend and support g0v meetings, putting an increasing range of government materials into the public domain through g0v platforms. +On March 30, 2014, half a million people took to the streets in the largest demonstration in Taiwan since the 1980s. Their demands, thus formulated, for a review process prior to the passage of the Cross-Straits Services Trade Agreement was accepted by LY Speaker Wang Jin-pyng on April 6, about three weeks after the start of the occupation, leading to its dispersal soon thereafter. The contributions of g0v to both sides and the resolution of their tensions led the sitting government to see the merit in g0v's methods and in particular cabinet member Jaclyn Tsai recruited one of us as a youth "reverse mentor" and began to attend and support g0v meetings, putting an increasing range of government materials into the public domain through g0v platforms. -The following local (2014) and general (2016) elections saw a dramatic swing in outcomes of roughly 10 percentage points towards the Green camp as well as the establishment of a new roughly Green-aligned political party by the Sunflower leaders, the New Power Party, including leading Taiwanese rock star Freddy Lim. Together these events significantly added to the momentum behind g0v and led to one of our appointment to succeed Tsai as Minister without Portfolio, responsible for digital affairs. +Many Sunflower participants devoted themselves to the open government movement; the following local (2014) and general (2016) elections saw a dramatic swing in outcomes of roughly 10 percentage points towards the Green camp, as well as the establishment of a new political party by the Sunflower leaders, the New Power Party, including leading Taiwanese rock star Freddy Lim. Together, these events significantly added to the momentum behind g0v and led to one of our appointment as Minister without Portfolio responsible for open government, social innovation and youth participation. ### vTaiwan and Join -During this process of institutionalization of g0v, there was growing demand to apply the methods that had allowed for these dispute resolutions to a broader range of policy issues. This led to the establishment of vTaiwan, a platform and project developed by g0v for facilitating deliberation on public policy controversies. The process involved many steps (proposal, opinion expression, reflection and legisation) each harnessing a range of open source software tools, but has become best known for its use of the at-the-time(2015)-novel machine learning based open-source "wikisurvey"/social media tool Polis, which we discuss further in our chapter on Augmented Deliberation below. In short, Polis works much like a conventional microblogging service like Twitter/X except that rather than displaying content that maximizes engagement it shows the clusters of opinion that exist and highlights statements that bridge them to faciliate both consensus formation and the better understanding of lines of division. -vtaiwan-polis +During this process of institutionalization of g0v, there was growing demand to apply the methods that had allowed for these dispute resolutions to a broader range of policy issues. This led to the establishment of vTaiwan, a platform and project developed by g0v for facilitating deliberation on public policy controversies. The process involved many steps (proposal, opinion expression, reflection and legisation) each harnessing a range of open source software tools, but has become best known for its use of the at-the-time(2015)-novel machine learning based open-source "wikisurvey"/social media tool Polis, which we discuss further in our chapter on 05-04 Augmented Deliberation below. In short, Polis works much like a conventional microblogging service like Twitter/X except that rather than displaying content that maximizes engagement it shows the clusters of opinion that exist and highlights statements that bridge them to faciliate both consensus formation and the better understanding of lines of division. + +vtaiwan-polis vTaiwan was deliberately intended as an experimental, high-touch, intensive platform for committed participants. It had about 200,000 users or about 1% of Taiwan's population at its peak and held detailed deliberations on 28 issues, 80% of which led to legislative action. These focused mostly on questions around technology regulation, such as the regulation of ride sharing, responses to non-consensual intimate images, regulatory experimentation with financial technology and regulation of AI. While these were generally viewed as successful by all parties, the intensive effort required, the lack of mandates for government to respond and the somewhat narrow scope has led to a relative decline of the platform recently. -The Public Digital Innovation Space (PDIS) that one of us established in 2016 to oversee vTaiwan and other projects we discuss below in the ministerial role therefore supported a second, related platform Join. While Join also uses Polis, it has a lighter-weight user interface and focuses primarily on soliciting input, suggestions and initatives from a broader public, and has an enforcement mechanism where government officials must respond if a proposal receives sufficient support. Unlike vTaiwan, furthermore, Join addresses a range of policy issues, including controversial non-technological issues such as high school's start time, and has strong continuing usage today of roughly half of the population over its lifetime and an average of 11,000 unique daily visitors. +The Public Digital Innovation Space (PDIS) that one of us established in 2016 to oversee vTaiwan and other projects we discuss below in the ministerial role therefore supported a second, related platform Join. While Join also sometime used Polis, it has a lighter-weight user interface and focuses primarily on soliciting input, suggestions and initatives from a broader public, and has an enforcement mechanism where government officials must respond if a proposal receives sufficient support. Unlike vTaiwan, furthermore, Join addresses a range of policy issues, including controversial non-technological issues such as high school's start time, and has strong continuing usage today of roughly half of the population over its lifetime and an average of 11,000 unique daily visitors. ### Hackathons, coalitions and quadratic signals While such levels of digital civic engagement may seem surprising to many Westerners, they can be seen simply as the harnessing of a small portion of the energy typically wasted on conflict on (anti-)social media towards solving public problems. Even more concentrated applications of this principle have come by placing the weight of government behind the g0v practice of hackathons through the Presidential Hackathon (PH) and a variety of supporting institutions. -The PH convened mixed teams of civil servants, academics, activists and technologists to propose tools, social practices and collective data custody arrangements that allowed them to "collectively bargain" with their data for cooperation with government and private actors supported by the PDIS-supported program of "data coalitions" to address civic problems. Examples have included the monitoring of air quality or early warning systems for wildfires. Participants and broader citizens were asked to help select the winners using a voting system called Quadratic Voting that allows people to express the extent of their support across a range of projects and that we discuss in our ⿻ Voting chapter below. This allowed a wide range of participants to be at least partial winners, by making it likely everyone would have supported some winner and that if someone felt very strongly in favor of one project they could give it a significant boost. Winning project received a holographic representation of the President of Taiwan giving the hologram to the winners, leverage they could use to induce relevant government agencies or localities to cooperate in their mission, given the legitimacy g0v has gained as noted above. +The PH convened mixed teams of civil servants, academics, activists and technologists to propose tools, social practices and collective data custody arrangements that allowed them to "collectively bargain" with their data for cooperation with government and private actors supported by the PDIS-supported program of "data coalitions" to address civic problems. Examples have included the monitoring of air quality or early warning systems for wildfires. Participants and broader citizens were asked to help select the winners using a voting system called Quadratic Voting that allows people to express the extent of their support across a range of projects and that we discuss in our 05-06 ⿻ Voting chapter below. This allowed a wide range of participants to be at least partial winners, by making it likely everyone would have supported some winner and that if someone felt very strongly in favor of one project they could give it a significant boost. Winning project received a holographic representation of the President of Taiwan giving the hologram to the winners, leverage they could use to induce relevant government agencies or localities to cooperate in their mission, given the legitimacy g0v has gained as noted above. More recently, this practice has been extended beyond developing technical solutions to envisioning of alternative futures and production of media content to support this through "ideathons". It has also gone beyond symbolic support to awarding real funding to valued projects (such as around agricultural and food safety inspections) using an extension of Quadratic Voting to Funding as we discuss in our Social Markets chapter. @@ -60,26 +63,25 @@ Another critical aspect of the Taiwanese response was the rigorous use of testin Yet perhaps the single most important digital contributor to Taiwan's pandemic response was its ability to rapidly and effectively respond to misinformation and deliberate attempts to spread disinformation. This "superpower" has extended, however, well beyond the pandemic and been critical to the successful elections Taiwan has held during a time when a lack of information integrity has challenged many other jurisdictions. -Perhaps most important to these efforts has been the g0v spin-off project Taiwan CoFacts, in which participating citizens rapidly respond to both trending social media content and to messages from private channels forward to a public comment box for requested response. Recent research shows that these systems can typically respond faster, equally accurately and more engagingly to mis- and disinformation than can professional fact checkers, who are much more bandwidth constrained. +Perhaps most important to these efforts has been the g0v spin-off project "Cofacts," in which participating citizens rapidly respond to both trending social media content and to messages from private channels forward to a public comment box for requested response. Recent research shows that these systems can typically respond faster, equally accurately and more engagingly to rumors than can professional fact checkers, who are much more bandwidth constrained. -The technical sophistication of Taiwan's civil sector and its support from the public sector have aided in other ways as well/ This has allowed organizations like MyGoPen and private sector companies like Gogolook to develop and, with public support, rapidly spread chatbots for private messaging services like Line that make it fast and easy for citizens to anonymously receive rapid responses to possibly misleading information. Government leaders' close cooperation with such civil groups has allowed them to model and thus encourage policies of "humor over rumor" and "fast, fun and fair" response to misleading information. For example, when a rumor began to spread during the pandemic that there would be a shortage of toilet paper created by the mass production of masks, Taiwan's Premier Su Tseng-chang famously circulated a picture of himself wagging his rear to indicate it had nothing to fear. +The technical sophistication of Taiwan's civil sector and its support from the public sector have aided in other ways as well. This has allowed organizations like MyGoPen and private sector companies like Gogolook to develop and, with public support, rapidly spread chatbots for private messaging services like Line that make it fast and easy for citizens to anonymously receive rapid responses to possibly misleading information. Government leaders' close cooperation with such civil groups has allowed them to model and thus encourage policies of "humor over rumor" and "fast, fun and fair" responses. For example, when a rumor began to spread during the pandemic that there would be a shortage of toilet paper created by the mass production of masks, Taiwan's Premier Su Tseng-chang famously circulated a picture of himself wagging his rear to indicate it had nothing to fear. -Together these policies have helped Taiwan fight off the "infodemic" without takedowns, just as it fought of the pandemic without lockdowns. This culminated in the January 13, 2024 election we mentioned above, in which a PRC disinformation campaign of unprecedented size and AI-fueled sophistication failed to polarize or noticeably sway the election. +Together these policies have helped Taiwan fight off the "infodemic" without takedowns, just as it fought of the pandemic without lockdowns. This culminated in the January 13, 2024 election we mentioned above, in which a PRC campaign of unprecedented size and AI-fueled sophistication failed to polarize or noticeably sway the election. ### Other programs While these are some of the most prominent examples of Taiwanese digital democratic innovation, there are many other examples we lack the space to discuss in detail but will briefly list here. - -1. Alignment assemblies: Taiwan has pioneered convening, increasingly common around the world, of citizen participation in the regulation and steering of GFMs. +1. Alignment assemblies: Taiwan has pioneered convening, increasingly common around the world, of citizen participation in the regulation and steering of AI foundation models. 2. Information security: Taiwan has become a world leader in the use of distributed storage to guard against malicious content takedowns and of "zero trust" principles in ensuring the security of citizen accounts. 3. Gold cards: Taiwan has among the most diversely accesible paths to permanent residence through its "gold card" program, including in a "digital field" to those who have contributed to open source and public interest software. 4. Transparency: Building on and extending broader government policies of data transparency, one of us has modeled this idea by making recordings and/or transcripts all of her official meetings public without copyrights. -5. Digital competence education: FILL IN AUDREY +5. Digital competence education: Since 2019, Taiwan has pioneered a 12-Year Basic Education Curriculum that enshrines "tech, info & media literacy" as a core competency, empowering students to become active co-creators and discerning arbiters of media, rather than passive consumers. 6. Land and spectrum: Building on the ideas of Henry George, Taiwan has among the most innovative policies in the world to ensure full utilization of natural resources, land and eletromagnetic spectrum through taxes that include rights of compulsory sale (as we discuss further in our Property and Contract and Social Markets chapters). 7. Participation Officer Network: PDIS helped create a network of civil servants across departments committed to citizen participation, collaboration across government departmnets and digital feedback, who could act as supporters and conduits of practices such as these. 8. Broadband access: Taiwan has one of the most universal internet access rates and has been recognized two years in a row as the fatest average internet in the world. -9. Open parliament: Taiwan has become a leader in the global "open parliament" movement, experimenting with a range of ways to make parliamentary procedures transparent to the public and using innovative voting methods like the Condorcet method we discuss in our ⿻ Voting chapter below. +9. Open parliament: Taiwan has become a leader in the global "open parliament" movement, experimenting with a range of ways to make parliamentary procedures transparent to the public and experimenting with innovative voting methods. 10. Digital diplomacy: Based on these experiences, Taiwan has become a leading advisor and mentor to democracies around the world confronting similar challenges and with similar ambitions to harness digital tools to improve participation and resilience. Furthermore, this work sufficiently won the confidence of both the public and the government that in August 2022 Taiwan created a Ministry of Digital Affairs, elevating one of us from Minister without Portfolio to lead this new ministry. @@ -101,7 +103,7 @@ Given this background, several features of Taiwan's economic performance in the 1. Growth: Taiwan has averaged real GDP growth of 3% over the last decade, compared to less than 2% for the OECD, a bit over 2% for the US and 2.7% for the world overall.[^WB] 2. Unemployment: Taiwan has averaged an unemployment rate of just under 4% steadily in the last decade, compared to an OECD average of 6%, a US average of 5% and a world average of around 6%. 3. Inflation: While inflation has spiked and wildly fluctuated around the world including almost all rich countries, Taiwan's inflation rate has remained relatively steady the last decade in the 0-2% range, averaging 1.3% according to the IMF. -4. Inequality: The last decade has seen significant debate about methods in calculating inequality statistics. Using more traditional methods, Taiwan's Survey of Family Income and Expenditure has found that Taiwan's Gini Index of inequality (ranging from 0 for perfectly equal to 1 for perfectly unequal) has been steady at around .28 for the last decade, placing it around the level of Austria on the lower end of global inequality and far lower than the roughly .4 of the US. Other analyses, using innovative but controversial administrative approaches pioneered by economists including Emmanuel Saez, Thomas Piketty, and Gabriel Zucman show Taiwan's top 1% income share at 19%, not far behind the US at 21% and well above a country like France at 13%. However, even in these data, Taiwan's top 1% share has fallen by about a tenth in the last decade, while in both France and the US it has risen by a similar proportion. Furthemore, a number of studies have recently argued these methods tend to find higher inequality in countries and time periods with lower and less progressive taxes as they rely on tax administration data and struggle to fully account for induced avoidance.[^Inequalitycritique] Given Taiwan's dramatically lower tax take than either the US or France, it seems likely that if these issues apply anywhere, they would lead to a substantial overstatement of Taiwanese inequality.[^CapitalShare] +4. Inequality: The last decade has seen significant debate about methods in calculating inequality statistics. Using more traditional methods, Taiwan's Survey of Family Income and Expenditure has found that Taiwan's Gini Index of inequality (ranging from 0 for perfectly equal to 1 for perfectly unequal) has been steady at around .28 for the last decade, placing it around the level of Austria on the lower end of global inequality and far lower than the roughly .4 of the US. Other analyses, using innovative but controversial administrative approaches pioneered by economists including Emmanuel Saez, Thomas Piketty, and Gabriel Zucman show Taiwan's top 1% income share at 19%, not far behind the US at 21% and well above a country like France at 13%. However, even in these data, Taiwan's top 1% share has fallen by about a tenth in the last decade, while in both France and the US it has risen by a similar proportion. Furthemore, a number of studies have recently argued these methods tend to find higher inequality in countries and time periods with lower and less progressive taxes as they rely on tax administration data and struggle to fully account for induced avoidance.[^Inequalitycritique] Given Taiwan's dramatically lower tax take than either the US or France, it seems likely that if these issues apply anywhere, they would lead to a substantial overstatement of Taiwanese inequality.[^CapitalShare] Putting these facts together, what is notable is that Taiwan's economic performance has been strong and fairly egalitarian or at least not becoming more unequal *despite its wealth and extreme tech-intensity*. As we documented above, economists have widely blamed the role of technology for many recent economic woes, including slow growth, unemployment and rising inequality. In the world's most tech-intensive economy, this seems not to be the case. @@ -115,11 +117,11 @@ Taiwan is also marked by a unique experience with religion among rich countires, #### Political -Taiwan is widely recognized both for the quality of its democracy and its resilience against technology-driven mis- and disinformation. Several indices, published by organizations such as Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit, the Bertelsmann Foundation and V-Dem, consistently rank Taiwan as among the freest and most effective democracies on earth.[^demrank] While Taiwan's precise ranking differs across these indices (ranging from first to merely in the top 15%), it nearly always stands out as the strongest democracy in Asia and the strongest democracy younger than 30 years old; even if one includes the wave of post-Soviety democracies immediately before this, almost all are less than half Taiwan's size, typically an order of magnitude smaller. Thus Taiwan is at least regarded as Asia's strongest democracy and the strongest young democracy of reasonable size and by many as the world's strongest. Furthermore, while democracy has generally declined in every region of the world in the last decade according to these indices, Taiwan's democratic scores have substantially increased. +Taiwan is widely recognized both for the quality of its democracy and its resilience against technology-driven information manipulation. Several indices, published by organizations such as Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit, the Bertelsmann Foundation and V-Dem, consistently rank Taiwan as among the freest and most effective democracies on earth.[^demrank] While Taiwan's precise ranking differs across these indices (ranging from first to merely in the top 15%), it nearly always stands out as the strongest democracy in Asia and the strongest democracy younger than 30 years old; even if one includes the wave of post-Soviety democracies immediately before this, almost all are less than half Taiwan's size, typically an order of magnitude smaller. Thus Taiwan is at least regarded as Asia's strongest democracy and the strongest young democracy of reasonable size and by many as the world's strongest. Furthermore, while democracy has generally declined in every region of the world in the last decade according to these indices, Taiwan's democratic scores have substantially increased. In addition to this overall strength, Taiwan is noted for its resistance to polarization and threats to information integrity. A variety of studies using a range of methodologies have found that Taiwan is one of the least politically, socially and religiously polarized developed countries in the world, though some have found a slight upward trend in political polarization since the Sunflower movement.[^polarization] This is especially true in *affective polarization*, the holding of negative or hostile personal attitudes towards political opponents, with Taiwan consistently among the 5 least affectively polarized countries. -This is inspite of the fact that analyses consistently find Taiwan to be the jursidiction targeted for the largest volume of disinformation on earth.[^disinfovolume] One reason for this paradoxical result may be the finding by political scientists Bauer and Wilson that unlike in many other contexts, foreign disinformation fails to exacerbate partisan divides in Taiwan. Instead, it tends to galvanize a unified stance among Taiwanese against external interference.[^Disinfo] +This is inspite of the fact that analyses consistently find Taiwan to be the jursidiction targeted for the largest volume of disinformation on earth.[^disinfovolume] One reason for this paradoxical result may be the finding by political scientists Bauer and Wilson that unlike in many other contexts, foreign manipulation fails to exacerbate partisan divides in Taiwan. Instead, it tends to galvanize a unified stance among Taiwanese against external interference.[^Disinfo] #### Legal diff --git a/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md b/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md index bf9c67d2..1f8efc05 100644 --- a/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md +++ b/contents/english/04-03-commerce-and-trust.md @@ -64,7 +64,7 @@ The magnetic stripe was first deployed on cards in 1970. In 1973, the first elec * TODO DATA ON HOW DOMINANT THEY BECAME AND WHEN. * -Cheques clearing systems began to leverage database and telecommunications networks in the 1970s with the develompent of Automated Clearing Houses (ACHs). These process large volumes of credit and debit transactions between accounts at banks in batches on a net settlement basis. This system supports government payments to people (employees, pensioners) Employer payments to employees, Business to business payments, consumer to bank payments (mortgages) and other such transactions made from one bank account to another. The first ACH, BACS began operation in the UK in 1968, in the US the first one, operated by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco began processing transctions in 1972. Jurisdictions around the world developed "automated clearing houses" (ACHs) for electronic transfers and wires as an alternative to cheques in their own markets by 2012 there ware 98 such systems[^WB]. +Cheques clearing systems began to leverage database and telecommunications networks in the 1970s with the develompent of Automated Clearing Houses (ACHs). These process large volumes of credit and debit transactions between accounts at banks in batches on a net settlement basis. This system supports government payments to people (employees, pensioners) Employer payments to employees, Business to business payments, consumer to bank payments (mortgages) and other such transactions made from one bank account to another. The first ACH, BACS began operation in the UK in 1968, in the US the first one, operated by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco began processing transctions in 1972. Jurisdictions around the world developed "automated clearing houses" (ACHs) for electronic transfers and wires as an alternative to cheques in their own markets by 2012 there ware 98 such systems[^IBRD]. Banks themselves needed to consider how to transfer money internationally and in 1973 they came together to form, Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) a co-operative they all own and manage. Swift doesn't actually move money it acts as a carrier of the "messages containing the payment instructions between financial institutions involved in a transaction". [^Swift]. By 2018 messages about half of all high-value cross-border payments went through its network. [^Swift2] @@ -155,7 +155,7 @@ In these cases under conditions of supermodular production and social consumptio [^Disc0403]: In fact, the primary financial support for one of the author's personal finances and our joint charitable pursuits came from gains in cryptocurrencies. [^Debt]: Graeber, *Debt: The First 5000 Years*, and the books by the other authors (*Currency and Credit*, *Credit and State Theories of Money*, *The Nature of Money* and *Money has no Value*) -[^WB]: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank (5 May 2013). "Global Payment Systems Survey (GPSS)". (from wikipdeia = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automated_clearing_house#cite_note-IBRDGPSS2012-10) +[^IBRD]: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank (5 May 2013). "Global Payment Systems Survey (GPSS)". (from wikipdeia = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automated_clearing_house#cite_note-IBRDGPSS2012-10) [^Swift]: Scott, Susan V.; Zachariadis, Markos (2014). The Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (Swift) : cooperative governance for network innovation, standards, and community. New York, NY: Routledge. pp. 1, 35. doi:10.4324/9781315849324. ISBN 978-1-317-90952-1. OCLC 862930816. diff --git "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-\351\227\234\346\226\274\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md" "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-\351\227\234\346\226\274\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md" new file mode 100644 index 00000000..c165faa7 --- /dev/null +++ "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-\351\227\234\346\226\274\344\275\234\350\200\205\347\276\244.md" @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +| ![image](https://raw.githubusercontent.com/pluralitybook/plurality/main/figs/author-Glen.png) | ![image](https://raw.githubusercontent.com/pluralitybook/plurality/main/figs/author-Audrey.png) | +| :------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | :--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | +| 衛谷倫是 RadicalxChange 的創始人、微軟研究院微軟多元協作中心研究總監、Plurality Institute 共同創辦人，也是《激進市場》的共同作者。 | 唐鳳是 🇹🇼 首任數位發展部長，也是全球首位 🏳️‍⚧️ 閣員。 | + +
+![image](https://raw.githubusercontent.com/pluralitybook/plurality/main/figs/author-Community.png) + +這本書是開源的，其內容可以自由複製，無論是否註明出處。除了主要列名的作者外，來自全球各地的數十位⿻社群成員家也為本書做出了貢獻，完成了大部分的工作。這些貢獻者列在下一頁，並以他們的個人照片拼貼而成的機器生成混合圖像來代表。本書在 [https://www.plurality.net/](https://www.plurality.net/) 的自由線上版本將持續演進，並根據本書所描述的原則，由社群來治理。 +
diff --git "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-01-\346\211\276\345\210\260\344\275\240\347\232\204\351\201\223\350\267\257.md" "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-01-\346\211\276\345\210\260\344\275\240\347\232\204\351\201\223\350\267\257.md" new file mode 100644 index 00000000..b567a4d0 --- /dev/null +++ "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/00-01-\346\211\276\345\210\260\344\275\240\347\232\204\351\201\223\350\267\257.md" @@ -0,0 +1,19 @@ +**找到你的道路** + +正如我們在書中所討論的，線性的書籍敘事有個顯著的缺點，就是強迫每個讀者走上單一的學習道路。雖然本書的線上版本通過大量使用超連結來避免這個問題，但實體版比較不容易為讀者導航。為了部分緩解這個問題，我們以「循環」的方式構建文本，讀者可以從各種起點開始閱讀，之後再回到「更早」的材料。 + +我們特別建議： + +- 主要對時事、政治或**時事**感興趣的讀者，從書的開頭、前言開始，然後一直讀下去。 + +- 對概念性、理論性或廣泛**知識**內容更感興趣的讀者，可以考慮跳過第 1 和第 2 部分，從第 3 部分開始。 + +- 更關注**技術**、科技或工程的讀者，可以考慮從第 4 部分開始。 + +- 對具體技術及其**應用**感興趣的人，可以考慮從第 5 部分開始。 + +- 對在特定社會領域中產生真實世界**影響**感興趣的人，可以考慮從第 6 部分開始。 + +- 那些專注於公共**政策**、政府和社會動員的人，可以考慮從第 7 部分開始。 + +無論起始點在哪裡，我們期望大多數在某處開始發現價值的讀者，會發現繼續閱讀是值得的，再循環回到書中「更晚」部分的理論框架，並用更早出現的材料來補足。 diff --git "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-01-\347\216\211\345\261\261\350\246\226\351\207\216.md" "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-01-\347\216\211\345\261\261\350\246\226\351\207\216.md" index 22c5fb11..30c133a9 100644 --- "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-01-\347\216\211\345\261\261\350\246\226\351\207\216.md" +++ "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-01-\347\216\211\345\261\261\350\246\226\351\207\216.md" @@ -127,7 +127,7 @@ 然而，儘管這種深刻而持久的分歧引發了太陽花運動，但彼此的觀點間也有明確的重疊共識： -1. 多元主義：藍綠兩派的故事都非常強調多元主義。對藍營而言，多元性包括民國的多民族特質，而綠營則關注臺灣受到的不同影響，包括原住民、日本人、福建人、客家人、西方人和新移民。 +1. 多元主義：藍綠兩派的故事都相當強調多元主義。對藍營而言，這包括當代與傳統文化（例如故宮文物）的兼容並蓄，強調民國作為文化傳承者和領導者的角色；而綠營則關注以定居臺灣者為主體，所衍伸的自主發展路徑，包括原住民、日本人、福建人、客家人、西方人和新移民的多元脈絡。 2. 外交策略：為了處理好與中国之間充滿挑戰的關係，兩者都必須圍繞美國和其他盟國的安全態勢、中華民國與臺灣的含義以及「獨立」概念，採取一系列複雜而微妙的公開立場。 3. 民主自由：民主與自由，都是兩種意識形態的核心。對綠營而言，這些理念是臺灣戰勝白色恐怖和中国威權的核心號召。對藍營來說，這些理念是三民主義的核心，因此在他們看來，是民國領導層必須重視的品質。 4. 反對專制：兩者都對中国日益增長的專制主義深感憂慮，尤其是在過去十年中，隨著「一國兩制」方案在香港的失敗。 diff --git "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-02-\346\225\270\344\275\215\346\260\221\344\270\273\347\232\204\346\227\245\345\270\270.md" "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-02-\346\225\270\344\275\215\346\260\221\344\270\273\347\232\204\346\227\245\345\270\270.md" index 53935708..c27eb2df 100644 --- "a/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-02-\346\225\270\344\275\215\346\260\221\344\270\273\347\232\204\346\227\245\345\270\270.md" +++ "b/contents/traditional-mandarin/02-02-\346\225\270\344\275\215\346\260\221\344\270\273\347\232\204\346\227\245\345\270\270.md" @@ -1,4 +1,4 @@ -# 數位民主的日常 +# 數位民主的日常 > 看見「萬物聯網」，我們將**智慧聯網**。 @@ -9,10 +9,37 @@ > 看見「用戶體驗」，我們將**體驗人際**。 > 聽說「奇點即將接近」—— **多元宇宙**，已經來臨。 + +如果不是居住在臺灣生活、且時常往來體驗這裡的風土人情，就很難理解這樣的成就意味著什麼；而對於居住在臺灣的人來說，許多特色往往被視為理所當然。因此，我們主要提供具體的例證和量化分析，說明臺灣的數位公民基礎建設，與世界其他大多數國家的不同之處。由於實例眾多而篇幅有限，因此我們挑選了六個不同的範例，大致涵蓋 2012 年起的相關行動。 ### 零時政府 -### 太陽花運動 +與其他機構相比，零時政府（g0v，發音為 gov-zero）運動更能象徵臺灣的公民社會基礎。g0v 成立於 2012 年，由公民黑客高嘉良（Kao Chia-liang）等人發起[^g0vManifesto]，運用「松」、「坑」、「人」三個概念，透過科技與協作改善臺灣的公民環境[^g0vManifesto]。 + +[^g0vManifesto]: [零時政府宣言](https://g0v.tw/intl/zh-TW/manifesto/zh-TW/) 將 g0v 定位成「無黨派、非營利、草根集結的公民運動」。本書作者之一貢獻的[「萌典」](https://moedict.tw/) 是 g0v 早期的專案之一。 + +源於對政府數位服務品質和資料透明度的不滿，公民黑客們抓取政府網站（後綴為 gov.tw），並且建立更好用、更鼓勵全民參與的版本，發表在 g0v.tw 上。 + +g0v 的「公民黑客」精神濃厚，強調「放碼過來」，直接用程式來溝通的行動力，讓它迅速躍升為全球前 3 的知名公民黑客社群。g0v 獨特的命名方式，將政府（government）的 "o" 換成 "0"，象徵著從零開始重新思考政府的角色，以及對數位原生世代的認同。這些「分叉」版本的政府網站（例如下文將提到的口罩地圖），往往更受到社會支持。在 318 運動後，張善政等政府官員，開始將這些設計「合併」回政府服務裡[^TWReporter]。 + +[^TWReporter]: https://www.twreporter.org/a/g0v-civic-tech-community + +g0v-venn + +公民黑客與非技術性民間團體的定期互動，被稱為「jothons（揪松）」。雖然黑客松在世界許多地方都很常見，然而 g0v 實踐的一些獨特之處，包括參與者的多樣性（多數為非技術人員，男女比例幾乎完全平等）、處理民間問題而非商業成果，以及與許多公民組織的密切協作。 + +「不要問為什麼沒有人在做這件事。你就是『沒有人』！」這句口號使 g0v 社群被稱為「沒有人運動」。這些特點也反映在上圖中用來解釋該運動意圖的示意圖中。正如我們將在下文中指出的，本章的許多公民倡議都是從 g0v 出發，或與其緊密關聯。 + +### 318 運動 + +儘管 g0v 在最初幾年就獲得了相當程度的關注和支持，但在上述的太陽花運動中更為大眾所知。在佔領立法院期間，g0v 社群中數百名貢獻者協助廣播、記錄和傳達公民行動。直播引發了公眾的熱烈討論，促使攤販、律師、教師和設計師們都捲起袖子，參與各種線上和線下的行動[^318Survey]，透過數位工具整合群眾募資、遊行和國際聲援的資源。[^gitday] + +[^318Survey]: [現場問卷](https://twstreetcorner.org/2014/06/30/chenwanchi-2/) 顯示，參與民眾以服務業為主。 +[^gitday]: https://audreyt.github.io/0sdc.tw/zh + +2014 年 3 月 30 日，50 萬人走上街頭，這是臺灣規模最大的示威遊行之一。他們提出的要求，即在通過海峽兩岸服務貿易協議之前進行審查程序，在佔領開始約三週後的 4 月 6 日獲得立法院長王金平同意而結束。g0v 對雙方的貢獻以及對矛盾的解決，使得當時的政府看到了 g0v 方法的優點，促使閣員蔡玉玲邀請作者之一協助政務，並開始參加和支持 g0v 專案，將越來越多的政府資料主動公開。 + +許多太陽花參與者致力於開放政府運動；隨後的地方（2014 年）和總統（2016 年）選舉結果，泛綠的支持率大幅上升了約 10 個百分點。太陽花領袖成立了新興政黨「時代力量」，包括臺灣著名搖滾明星林昶佐。這些事件增加了 g0v 的動力，並促成作者之一擔任負責開放政府、社會創新和青年參與的政務委員。 ### vTaiwan 與 Join @@ -39,7 +66,7 @@ 1. 增長：在過去十年中，臺灣的實際 GDP 平均增長率為 3%，而 OECD（經合組織）的增長率不到 2%，美國略高於 2%，全球總體增長率為 2.7%[^WB]。 2. 失業率：臺灣過去十年的平均失業率穩定在 4% 以下，而 OECD 的平均失業率為 6%，美國為 5%，世界平均失業率約為 6%。 3. 通貨膨脹：根據國際貨幣基金組織（IMF）的資料，過去十年來，臺灣的通貨膨脹率一直保持在 0-2% 之間，平均為 1.3%。 -4. 不平等：過去十年中，有關不平等統計資料的計算方法爭論十分激烈。臺灣的《家庭收支調查》採用較為傳統的方法，發現臺灣的不平等吉尼係數（從 0 代表完全平等到 1 代表完全不平等）在過去十年中一直穩定在 0.28 左右，與全球不平等程度較低的奧地利水平相當，遠低於美國的 0.4 左右。其他分析，包括伊曼紐爾·賽斯（Emmanuel Saez）、湯瑪斯·皮凱提（Thomas Piketty）和加布里埃爾·祖克曼（Gabriel Zucman）等經濟學家開創的創新但有爭議的行政方法，顯示臺灣收入最高的 1%佔 19%，與美國的 21% 相差無幾，遠高於法國的 13%。然而，即使在這些資料中，臺灣收入最高的 1%所佔比例在過去十年中也下降了約十分之一，而法國和美國的這一比例都有類似程度的上升。此外，最近一些研究認為，這些方法往往會在稅率較低、累程序度較低的國家和時期發現更高的不平等，因為它們依賴於稅收管理資料，難以充分考慮誘導性避稅。 +4. 不平等：過去十年中，有關不平等統計資料的計算方法爭論十分激烈。臺灣的《家庭收支調查》採用較為傳統的方法，發現臺灣的不平等吉尼係數（從 0 代表完全平等到 1 代表完全不平等）在過去十年中一直穩定在 0.28 左右，與全球不平等程度較低的奧地利水平相當，遠低於美國的 0.4 左右。其他分析，包括伊曼紐爾·賽斯（Emmanuel Saez）、湯瑪斯·皮凱提（Thomas Piketty）和加布里埃爾·祖克曼（Gabriel Zucman）等經濟學家開創的創新但有爭議的行政方法，顯示臺灣收入最高的 1% 佔 19%，與美國的 21% 相差無幾，遠高於法國的 13%。然而，即使在這些資料中，臺灣收入最高的 1% 所佔比例在過去十年中也下降了約十分之一，而法國和美國的這一比例都有類似程度的上升。此外，最近一些研究認為，這些方法往往會在稅率較低、累進度較低的國家和時期，發現更高的不平等，因為它們依賴於稅收管理資料，難以充分考慮誘導性避稅。 綜合這些事實，值得注意的是，**儘管臺灣富裕且科技密集度極高**，但其經濟表現保持強勁且相當平等，至少沒有變得更加不平等。如上文所述，經濟學家普遍將近期的許多經濟困境歸咎於科技的作用，包括增長緩慢、失業和不平等加劇。但在這個世界上資訊科技最密集的經濟體，情況似乎並非如此。 @@ -53,9 +80,9 @@ 臺灣的民主品質，以及其抵禦技術驅動的境外訊息操弄的能力，得到了廣泛認可。自由之家（Freedom House）、經濟學人資訊部（Economist Intelligence Unit）、貝塔斯曼基金會（Bertelsmann Foundation）和 V-Dem 等機構釋出的多項指數均將臺灣列為全球最自由、最有效的民主國家之一。[^demrank]雖然臺灣在這些指數中的準確排名各不相同（從第一到僅在前 15%），然而，整體看來對臺灣的評價幾乎可說是亞洲最優秀的多元民主政體，也是成立不到 30 年引人注目的年輕民主國家。因此，臺灣至少被認為是亞洲最強大的民主政體，也是規模合理的最強大的年輕民主政體，許多人甚至認為它是世界上最強大的民主政體。此外，根據這些指數，在過去十年中，世界各個地區的民主程度普遍下降，而臺灣的民主得分卻大幅上升。 -除了整體實力之外，臺灣還以抵禦極化現象、資訊戰和網路攻擊而著稱。根據各種資料進行的研究後發現，臺灣是世界上政治、社會和宗教兩極分化程度最低的發達國家之一，儘管有些研究發現，自太陽花運動以來，政治兩極分化僅略有上升趨勢現已趨於和緩。[^polarization]在**情感兩極分化**（對政治對手持有負面或敵意的個人態度）方面尤其如此，儘管民族認同的問題在許多台灣選舉中依然是一個關鍵議題，但臺灣在情感極化程度上一直保持在全球最低的五個國家之列。政治菁英戲劇化且尖銳的表現並沒有完全反映在社會中。 +除了整體實力之外，臺灣還以抵禦極化現象、資訊戰和網路攻擊而著稱。根據各種資料進行的研究後發現，臺灣是世界上政治、社會和宗教兩極分化程度最低的發達國家之一，儘管有些研究發現自太陽花運動以來，政治兩極分化略有上升趨勢，但現已趨於和緩[^polarization]。在**情感兩極分化**（對政治對手持有負面或敵意的個人態度）方面尤其如此，儘管民族認同的問題在許多台灣選舉中依然是一個關鍵議題，但臺灣在情感極化程度上一直保持在全球最低的五個國家之列。政治菁英戲劇化且尖銳的表現並沒有完全反映在社會中。 -儘管如此，分析報告一致普遍認為，臺灣是全球承受訊息攻勢量最大的地方。[^disinfovolume] 造成此矛盾結果的主要原因之一，可能是政治學家鮑爾和威爾遜發現的：與許多其他情況不同，境外資訊操弄未能加劇臺灣內部的黨派分歧。相反，它往往會激發出臺灣人反對外部勢力干涉的一致立場。 +儘管如此，分析報告一致普遍認為，臺灣是全球承受訊息攻勢量最大的地方。[^disinfovolume] 造成此矛盾結果的主要原因之一，可能是政治學家鮑爾和威爾遜發現的：與許多其他情況不同，境外資訊操弄未能加劇臺灣內部的黨派分歧。相反，它往往會激發出臺灣人反對境外勢力干涉的一致立場。 #### 法治 @@ -73,13 +100,19 @@ 臺灣依然擁有全球最低的死亡率、優秀的經濟表現，甚至是令人羨慕的健康保險系統，然而，在面對如全球公共衛生的此種重大危機狀況，如何爭取更好的外交地位、以及實際參與國際組織的正式身分，或許是全球數位民主可以被期待、以及需要衝撞發展的下一步，才能夠確保如此美好的數位創新、民主國家可以繼續被受到祝福。 -另一項可以說明這一挑戰的、緩慢燃燒的危機是氣候變化。雖然臺灣與許多其他國家一樣，將 2050 年實現淨零排放的目標寫入了法律，並因其實現這一目標的計劃而贏得了讚譽，但迄今為止，臺灣的淨零進展並非特別顯著。 +另一項可以說明這一挑戰的、緩慢燃燒的危機是氣候變化。雖然臺灣與許多其他國家一樣，將 2050 年實現淨零排放的目標寫入了法律，並因其實現這一目標的計劃而贏得了讚譽，但迄今為止，臺灣的淨零[^climate]等環境相關表現並非特別顯著[^epi]。 + +[^climate]: https://eciu.net/netzerotracker, https://eastasiaforum.org/2023/08/12/taiwans-pioneering-pathway-to-net-zero-carbon-emissions/#:~:text=In%202022%2C%20Taiwan%20unveiled%20its,supported%20by%2012%20key%20strategies. +[^epi]: https://epi.yale.edu/epi-results/2022/component/epi + +儘管如此，臺灣的參與度和對制度的信任度，尤其是對民主制度的參與度和信任度卻異常之高。臺灣的投票率在沒有強制投票的國家中，是世界最高的之一。[^turnout]91% 的人認為民主至少「相當好」，這與近年來，許多歷史悠久的民主國家民主支持率急劇下降，形成鮮明對比。[^demsupp] -儘管如此，臺灣的參與度和對制度的信任度，尤其是對民主制度的參與度和信任度卻異常之高。91%的人認為民主至少「相當好」，這與近年來許多歷史悠久的民主國家民主支援率急劇下降形成鮮明對比。 +[^turnout]: https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/01/turnout-in-u-s-has-soared-in-recent-elections-but-by-some-measures-still-trails-that-of-many-other-countries/ -總之，雖然臺灣與所有國家一樣存在著主要的局限性，但它理應在全球典範中佔據領先地位，而這一地位卻鮮有人給予它。西方左派對北歐國家的欽佩之情溢於言表，右派則對新加坡讚不絕口。雖然這些地方有重要的經驗教訓，而且事實上與臺灣有許多重要的重疊點，但很少有地方能像臺灣一樣在應對當今主要挑戰方面提供廣泛的承諾，並像臺灣一樣跨越典型的分歧。 +[^demsupp]: https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/TWN +總之，雖然臺灣與所有國家一樣存在著重要的局限性，但它理應在全球典範中佔據領先地位，這一地位卻鮮有人給予它。西方左派對北歐國家的欽佩之情溢於言表，右派則對新加坡讚不絕口。雖然這些地方有重要的經驗教訓，而且事實上與臺灣有許多重要的重疊點，但很少有地方能像臺灣一樣在應對當今主要挑戰方面提供廣泛的承諾，並像臺灣一樣跨越典型的分歧。 -作為一個經濟自由、充滿活力的參與性自由民主國家，臺灣既能為西方政治光譜上的所有觀點提供借鑑，也可以說是那些希望超越日益衰落的西方民主國家實踐的國家最有說服力的範例。尤其是考慮到臺灣的起點：沒有豐富的自然資源或戰略地位，地緣政治環境脆弱，人口嚴重分化，而非同質化且規模龐大，幾十年前才實現民主化，在不到一個世紀的時間裡從赤貧中崛起。 +作為經濟自由、充滿活力的參與式自由民主國家，臺灣既能為西方政治光譜上的所有觀點提供借鑑，也可以說是那些希望超越日益衰落的西方民主實踐的國家，最有說服力的範例。尤其是考慮到臺灣的起點：沒有豐富的自然資源或戰略地位，地緣政治環境脆弱，人口嚴重分化，而非同質化且規模龐大，幾十年前才實現民主化，在不到一個世紀的時間裡從赤貧中崛起。 要了解臺灣獨特而戲劇性的數位民主實踐，與其在應對當今最棘手挑戰時所取得的一系列成功之間的確切因果關係，無疑需要數十年的研究。然而，有鑒於此，在此期間，就像許多人對北歐國家和新加坡所做的一樣，闡明世界上最受推崇的數位民主國家策略背後的普遍哲學，似乎是至關重要的。本書的其餘部分正是致力於這一任務。 diff --git a/noto-emoji/1f1f3-1f1ec.pdf b/noto-emoji/1f1f3-1f1ec.pdf new file mode 100644 index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..8455797cf3778d6e548b3a0342a84468059325c6 GIT binary patch literal 1214 zcmah}T}TvB6fP2?Q7Xbx3gjj%xRlPFncZ1e7E$-dv`pEJ9{huG_qtB5JKLSRx@JUB z20chW(3>v>)sse05dA=HFXBU`LJv`p;e!zsLFt21ojd#EVh>&B&YAn&Gv}P|+;7I# z;R{qtHBQ0y@ay!N;6NA|eWwJE2Z_f>Jjw=;6QH1g5E27=j1dYprZM6pVIx9>`g*}+ zlxRajYI5jm_>0m$Rw01Q#Xut1`>5lKi4YjB6Qzy{pm%EpoNagcaoG(nKqp+yO@A<2r{p-~cN z@M^BxZ6u;=O-2fJ0fdq4;#ZI5>owvGoK3`!D|0r@)JP@@O3Gxg&|H-v$V;`jnc$hi zqdB+*F`6W~l^48xWLOWAU~>}(Gfc!FF^wb*6BF@%1PgfaigS|L;AQf6#iM$}g!(!4 zV7~Swr&$m{EeOy-jYu*KBC85(IyI0~BdIkQRShtfFzZBUE}&7WB?k1cS!2+s-EJlF zf&`gCktg5}1Tc2EF;@LBn=p1MVEL5b8H06VEQ3{GErU7JOj39N7sNkD)Ze z9>nHT{a<{Z8~j`lP=%zj+tPz*m8lzXAJy9fs(mgf`-8mC!W!COT6DeTpgC&Or}w0 OF?72W!DjQf2ZX<_a8sfH literal 0 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